Editorial
Boko Haram: One Massacre Too Many
The recent gruesome killings of 43 rice farmers in Zabarmari Community in Jere Local
Government Area of Borno State by the Boko Haram terrorists debunk the pretentious claim by the Federal Government that it is winning the war against terror. More than 10 years after it initiated its violent campaign to found a caliphate in Nigeria, the insurgents remain a deadly force against the Nigerian state.
When the news of the carnage broke, panic and commotion gave way to anger over the way the insurgents operated unchecked for a long period despite the ongoing military onslaughts on them. Sources in Borno State said 76 persons were murdered in all, apart from those abducted.
Soon after the incident, condemnatory statements came in from everywhere. The United Nations, Pope Francis and aid organisations were among those disgusted at the heart-rending attacks on innocent farm workers. State governors sent out messages and visited their Borno State counterpart, Babagana Zulum. We are overly tired of the customary denunciations. Can they end the war? Certainly not.
Though the killings of the rice farmers impinged on the very profundities of humanity, senseless atrocities by Boko Haram have been characterised by treachery and deceit. Last October, the implacable extremists drenched the irrigation fields near Maiduguri with the blood of 22 farmers in two separate incidents.
Like all Islamist sects, Boko Haram mutates, carrying out overwhelming raids on soft targets or exploding IEDs as it delights. Between July and November this year, Zulum’s convoy was assaulted on three occasions despite the heavy security around him. Soldiers, police officers, members of the Civilian Joint Task Force and civilians were slain in those attacks.
Boko Haram has caused much trepidation and destruction to Nigerians. The New York Times reported on September 13, 2019, that Islamist extremists were better armed and had more advanced weapons than the less enthusiastic Nigerian military. it is difficult to understand why the government has failed to procure weapons from any country willing to assist in ending the festering savagery.
Already, following constant attacks on farmers, there is a palpable fear of food insecurity as farmers and the over two million people displaced are afraid to return home and to their farms. According to international sources, the jihadists have flagrantly killed 36,000 persons. Former Borno State Governor, Kashim Shettima, however, generously put the death toll at 100,000.
Ekiti State Governor and Chairman, Nigerian Governors’ Forum, Dr. Kayode Fayemi, recently claimed that some of the insurgents that escaped from the Boko Haram territory are the ones operating as bandits in the Northwest, while some of them are involved in the kidnapping currently pervading the Southwest as well as the atrocities by herdsmen.
The reality is that the Federal Government is unable to withstand Boko Haram’s firepower and bloody campaign. Rather, it still lives in the past, endlessly referencing the initial success it achieved when it assumed power in 2015 by retaking the local government areas under the control of the insurgents in Borno, Yobe and Adamawa States.
In the intervening period, the terror group has become more ferocious, attacking military formations at will and confiscating high calibre weapons. It solidified its firm grip over the Lake Chad Basin area, inducing a coalition by Chad, Niger and Cameroon against it, but Nigeria suffers the most drastic tolls in the group.
The military’s lacklustre performance in the war has led to widespread calls by Nigerians for the sack of the service chiefs and replace them with new ones with fresh ideas and solutions. But such calls have always been rebuffed by the President for reasons known to him. We make similar calls for their sack because they are bereft of new ideas to tackle insurgency.
This conflict is one of the biggest blights drooping on the conscience of the country’s leadership. It may never end because it mimics aloofness from Buhari and his commanders. The war is uncoordinated and purposeless, prompting even the Chief of Army Staff, Tukur Buratai, to admit to a longer duration of insurgency ahead.
Things have to change. President Buhari should be in sync with reality. Beyond his condemnation ritual, Nigeria’s Commander-In-Chief has to move out of his comfort zone and take real charge of the battle to see what goes on and stop relying solely on briefings. He should emulate Chadian President, Idriss Déby, who has led wars against Boko Haram on several occasions when his country was attacked.
All hope is not lost. With a reinvigorated objective, Nigeria can put an end to Boko Haram, but upon the condition that the present administration must be strategic. Haunted and devastated by the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) in 2014, Syria and Iraq turned to the West for succour. By the end of 2019, a Western coalition led by the United States had wiped out ISIS completely.
If the truth must be told, Nigeria cannot win this war on its own. The President has to go all out and attract greater international assistance if he is serious about defeating Boko Haram, which also has foreign backing from other terrorist groups like ISIS and a few countries.
Hence forward, captured Boko Haram suspects should be prosecuted. They should not be granted amnesty as is presently the case. Lately, the United Arab Emirates convicted six Nigerians for funding terrorism with $782,000. That is the way to go. Employing financial intelligence, Buhari should track and uncover the backers and financiers of insurgency, bringing them to justice.
There is an urgent need for Nigeria to restore its alliance with Cameroon, Chad and Niger, taking the lead with human and military resources. The coalition has to work together to hold down regained territories long enough to pare the insurgents’ influence. Also, the prolonged issue of insufficient weapons and corruption in the prosecution of the war should be settled forthwith.
Editorial
Checkmating ‘One-Chance’ Menaces In PH
Editorial
That Oshiomhole’s Call On FG’s Road Projects
There are moments in the life of a legislature when plain speaking becomes a public service. Senator Adams Oshiomhole provided such a moment on the floor of the Senate when he accused the Minister of Works, Senator David Umahi, of manifestly neglecting critical federal arteries in Edo and Delta States, and implored his colleagues to prevail on the Minister to adopt a more equitable and genuinely national approach to road infrastructure delivery. It was blunt, it was uncomfortable, and it was necessary.
The specifics of his complaint deserve restating. Drawing attention to the recent approval of some 20 new road projects despite the parlous state of existing ones, the former Edo State governor lamented that Nigerians cannot travel from Benin to Warri, Benin to Asaba, Benin to Auchi, or Auchi to Okene without encountering severe distress. He alleged a deliberate omission of these corridors from the national budget in the last three years, save for palliative interventions directed by President Bola Tinubu through tax credit arrangements. His question — “What have we done wrong?” — resonates far beyond the chambers of the National Assembly.
We lend our full and unequivocal support to that call. The Auchi-Benin Road, for instance, has been in a deplorable and near-impassable condition for several years, turning what should be a two-hour journey into an all-day ordeal of broken axles, extortionate fares, and despondent commuters. The media have, on multiple occasions, chronicled the suffering of motorists, traders, and students who ply that route. To describe it as a federal road today is to stretch the meaning of the term beyond recognition.
This pattern of sidelining is not confined to Edo or Delta. Even here in Rivers State, the disposition of the Federal Ministry of Works has left much to be desired, particularly along the Eleme axis of the East-West Road. That road, which ought to be a flagship of federal presence in the Niger Delta, has remained in a wretched state for long. Those who use it daily — workers at the Eleme Petrochemical Complex, the two refineries, Onne Port, and the countless ancillary industries — can attest to its deterioration. Work has proceeded in fits and starts without the sustained urgency such a strategic road demands.
The Eleme stretch is not a mere intra-state byway. It is the gateway to the nation’s economic jugular. According to the Federal Ministry of Works and Housing’s 2023 Highway Condition Survey, only about 35 per cent of the country’s 36,000 kilometres of federal roads are rated as being in good or fair condition, with the remainder classified as poor or very poor. The East-West Road, conceived in the 1970s to bind the entire Niger Delta, remains unfinished in critical sections more than four decades after. If it had been treated as a priority, the perennial gridlock, carnage, and economic loss on the Eleme-Refinery junction would have long been consigned to history.
The irony is as painful as it is glaring. The Niger Delta remains the goose that lays the golden eggs. Data from the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative [NEITI 2023 Oil and Gas Audit] show that the region still accounts for over 78 per cent of Nigeria’s federally collected export earnings and about 65 per cent of total government revenue. The National Bureau of Statistics [NBS Foreign Trade Report Q4 2024] similarly confirms that crude oil continues to dominate export receipts. By every metric of equity and economic logic, a region that sustains the national purse deserves first-rate consideration in the allocation of infrastructure, not afterthoughts and tokenism.
Road infrastructure is not largesse to be dispensed by favour; it is the skeleton upon which commerce, cohesion, and citizenship hang. When contracts are concentrated in one geopolitical zone while other zones are left to contend with craters, it erodes trust in the federation itself. The World Bank’s Nigeria Development Update [June 2023] estimated that poor transport connectivity inflates the cost of moving goods by up to 40 per cent and costs the Nigerian economy an estimated $1.5 billion annually in lost man-hours and vehicle maintenance. If we profess to be one country, then equity must be the compass that guides key institutions before any project is executed. Development must spread round, not pool in one place as though other regions do not matter.
There is also a grave security dimension that can no longer be ignored. The deplorable condition of federal roads has become a veritable enabler of criminality. The NBS Crime Experience and Security Perception Survey reported over 2.5 million incidents of kidnapping-related occurrences nationally, with transport workers identifying bad road spots as prime ambush points. When vehicles are forced to crawl at 10 kilometres per hour through failed sections at Auchi, Sapele Road, or Eleme, they become sitting ducks for armed gangs. Fixing bad roads, therefore, is not merely about convenience; it is about safeguarding lives.
By his intervention, Senator Oshiomhole has hit the nail on the head and reminded Minister Umahi of a fundamental constitutional truth: public office is held in trust. The Ministry of Works is not a personal estate where contracts are awarded according to whim or political convenience. It is a national institution funded by the collective resources of Nigerians, including the oil and gas rents from the very communities whose roads are now neglected. The Minister must demonstrate balance, transparency, and a pan-Nigerian outlook in the distribution of projects that impact the daily existence of citizens. Selective neglect breeds suspicion, and suspicion is corrosive at a time when the nation is preaching unity, oneness, equity, and justice.
Consequently, the National Assembly must go beyond rhetoric and assert its oversight powers with vigour. Sections 88 and 89 of the 1999 Constitution [as amended] empower the legislature to investigate and expose any maladministration in the execution of federal projects. If an office holder is not acting rightly, it is the duty of the Senate and the House of Representatives to call him to order. Oversight must not be reduced to budget approval ceremonies; it must translate to field verification, public hearings, and insistence that the Federal Character principle, as enshrined in Section 14(3) of the Constitution, reflects in road awards.
Let the Auchi-Okene, Benin-Warri, Benin-Asaba, and Eleme East-West gangways be restored to motorable dignity. Let priority be given to completing existing, economically vital roads before embarking on new ones. If those who, through their resources, sustain the federation are sidelined in the distribution of tangible dividends, it tells poorly of our nationhood. Bad roads must be fixed, and they must be fixed now, with fairness as the guiding standard.
Editorial
Making Rivers’ 2026 Budget Count
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