Opinion
Tackling Boko Haram From Its Root
Quite distinct from the commonly held belief as beggars, Almajiri was derived from the Arabic word, “Al-Muhajirun” meaning emigrants. It typically refers to a person who devotedly leaves home to other place or to an instructor in the quest for Islamic knowledge. Thus, Almajiri is characteristically, a Qur’anic literacy and system of Islamic education dominantly practised among Muslims in northern Nigeria.
Historically, Almajiri system started in a town named Kanem-Borno, which a majority of its rulers widely engaged in Qur’anic literacy. More than 700 years later, the Sokoto Caliphate was founded by a revolution based on the teachings of the Qur’an. However, Sokoto and Borno Caliphates started running the Almajiri system together.
Then, Almajiri schools were funded by the community, parents, zakah (alms-giving treated in Islam as tax), sadaqah (voluntary offerings) and sometimes through the farm output of the learners. Incidentally, after the British invasion of the northern region in the year 1904, most of the survived Emirs were overthrown; hence they lost control of their territories resulting to the loss of fundamental control of the Almajiri.
Following this development, the British formally introduced Western education and also, overruled state funding of Almajiri schools. With no support from the community, Emirs and government, the Almajiri system collapsed. Consequently, the instructors and learners, having no financial support, resorted to alms begging and menial jobs for survival.
On account that the Almajiri system restricted its scope to Islamic knowledge, most of the Almajiris at the end of the day were left with the option to continue with menial jobs or begging for those that didn’t learn farming due to no qualifications for white-collar jobs in the society. Consequently, it lacked resources and basic amenities.
Eventually, as the drive for Almajiris to accept Western education deepened, it was unfortunately misconstrued as immoral. In Hausa language, ‘Western or non-Islamic education’ is termed ‘Boko’. Hence, the advocated ‘Western education’ was declared ‘Haram’. “Haram” in Arabic term is ‘forbidden’ or ‘proscribed’. In Islamic law, Haram is used to refer to any act that is forbidden by Allah. Acts that are “Haram” are usually prohibited in the Qur’an as incompatible to Muslims’ way of life.
Thus, by the combination of Boko (Western education) and Haram (forbidden), the term ‘Boko Haram’ was birthed meaning ‘forbidden Western education’. Logically, the Almajiris were hoodwinked to see Western education as evil and disrespect to Allah, instead of integrating it to Islamic education. With this mindset, they grew to become hostile, not knowing they were robbed of a thriving future that Western education enveloped.
For instance, the bombs and other lethal weapons being used to resist non-Islamic system were produced through the “forbidden Western education”. The same obtains in the aeroplanes for travelling to Mecca for hajj, and automobiles. And many others. Obviously, northern elites are principally culpable for their atrocities in the society.
The leaders didn’t carry the subjects along but kept them in the dark for unknown reasons. In fact, Gwandu Local Government Area in Kebbi State in particular used to be a no-go area for Western education. Meanwhile, their elites enrolled their biological children into Western education, even some in foreign schools. Thus, as the deprived population lacked skills and qualifications for conventional jobs as full-fledged, resorting to crimes for survival became the available option. Over the years, these elites’ children with Western education recycle amongst themselves all the juicy positions in the system.
At present, the oversights and negligence of the past are gradually getting remedied by concerted efforts of the stakeholders through UNICEF Educate-A-Child (EAC) Programme. Rather than adopting similar approaches in the precolonial era which attempted to utterly abolish Almajiri education, the template is integrating Almajiri to Western education.
By means of the Integrated Qur’anic Schools (IQS), unlike then, literacy, numeracy and science alongside Islamic education are taught. The Almajiris after remedial classes for nine months move to primary four. Hence, Almajiri scholars are no longer restricted to Islamic knowledge but also measure in Western education.
As a partnership, UNICEF contributes by grants to IQS centres for projects based on need-assessments with Centre-Based Management Committee (CBMC), whilst it utilizes Cash Transfer Programme by paying N8,000 per child enrolled in primary schools under the control of the School-Based Management Committee (SBMC).
For example, in Dallatu Hisbul Raheem; an Almajiri school in Kaoje town, Bagudu LGA which is amongst the IQS centre for the EAC programme, the initiative is awake. And the unique upshot is that the Almajiri instructors too enroll for Western education like their pupils. They teach in Almajiri session and submit themselves as adult-learners during Western education session.
Remarkably, a 13-year old Fulani-Almajiri scholar of the IQS, Balikisu Usman, during interaction expressed her aspiration to become a career lady after education. Same is the position of a 12-year old Rabbi Abdullahi, also a Fulani who nurses an ambition to become a lecturer after graduating from an institution of higher learning. Many others similarly, respectively pointed to one thriving career or the other, including becoming lawyers, doctors, pilots, etc.
It suggests the mindsets are receptively, gradually liberated. This has been the pattern in Christendom for centuries. Christian missionary schools are integrated with Western education, hence skilled to flow with scheme of things in the polity. In Catholic Church that is the most conservative amongst Christian denominations, many of their clerics are lawyers, lecturers, doctors and even soldiers. In other words, they sensitively merged their curriculum with Western education.
Thus, as the template gathers momentum, a radical boost is germane. According to UNICEF-EAC State Project Coordinator, Isah Usman, the successes were propelled by sensitization and mentoring of schools, centres and communities by EAC consultants and state partners, and significantly, support of the four Emirs in the state. The traditional rulers’ input is vital. Absolutely, any meaningful exploits in the north demands a robust alliance with the traditional institution due to premium influence on the communities. By these templates, the future is economically and robustly secured.
Umegboro, a public affairs analyst, wrote from Abuja.
Carl Umegboro
Opinion
FG’s Transport Support And Rivers Workers
The Federal Government’s approval of a N70,000 monthly transport intervention for public service workers for six months, beginning in November 2026, offers hope to employees struggling with the rising cost of living. The agreement with the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), reached at a conciliation meeting in Abuja on October 27, is intended to cushion transport costs and ease pressure on workers’ incomes. But for public servants in Rivers State, it raises a familiar question: will the State Government key into the intervention and ensure that its workers benefit? The agreement provides for N70,000 monthly across all levels, for six months. The Federal Government also approved peculiar allowance arrears effective from May 1, 2026, to be paid in three equal instalments beginning in November.
The parties agreed to reconvene after one month to assess implementation. Ultimately, the value of these resolutions will be measured not by announcements but by whether eligible workers receive the money. Transport costs consume a substantial share of many civil servants’ earnings before they can meet household needs. Support for commuting is therefore not a luxury or political favour; it is temporary assistance to help workers remain at their jobs without sinking further into hardship. For lower-paid employees, transport costs can turn modest salaries into a daily exercise in difficult choices and sacrifice.
The agreement also urges State and Local Governments to participate and unions to press for implementation. The federal agreement does not automatically guarantee that every State and Local Government employee will receive the support. State authorities must clarify how it will apply to their workforce, make the necessary arrangements and publish a payment timetable. Rivers State must approach the arrangement with urgency and transparency. The Government should State whether it will implement the intervention and when payments will begin. Any administrative or financial question should be addressed promptly with organised labour, not allowed to become excuses for delay.
The concern is sharpened by the earlier N35,000 monthly wage award introduced by the Federal Government in 2023 after petrol subsidy removal. It was intended as temporary relief pending a new national minimum wage. While several States negotiated and paid wage awards or related sums, implementation nationwide was uneven. Reports in 2024 indicated that many States had failed to pay the federal award, while others provided different amounts. In Rivers, labour and media reports raised concerns about implementation of the N35,000 award for State workers, amid separate announcements and arrangements concerning Local Government employees.
The wage award was meant to ease the immediate effects of subsidy removal, yet workers faced uncertainty over whether the promised relief would reach them. In February 2024, the Rivers State Government announced approval of the N35,000 award for local government workers, but subsequent reports showed that implementation across worker categories remained a concern. The lesson is clear: approval and implementation are not the same. A declaration at a meeting offers little comfort to a worker whose account does not reflect the promised payment. For workers who travel to their offices daily, the implications of delayed support are significant. Transportation expenses compete with food, rent, school fees, healthcare and other essential household needs.
As fares rise, employees may be forced to reduce spending on necessities or borrow to sustain their families. A timely transport intervention would therefore provide practical relief and demonstrate that government understands the economic pressures confronting its workforce. Its temporary nature makes prompt implementation even more important. It is fair to acknowledge that this transport intervention is a new agreement and that its administrative details may require clarification. Rivers State should not be condemned in advance for a failure that has not occurred. Nevertheless, the earlier experience gives workers legitimate grounds to seek assurances before the November commencement date. The State should avoid allowing uncertainty to persist until workers begin asking why the promised assistance has not arrived.
The NLC and unions in Rivers State should engage the State Government immediately and seek a written commitment, an implementation plan and a process for reporting missed payments. If clarification from the Federal Government is needed, the State should seek it without abandoning the goal of providing relief. Labour leaders must also keep members informed about progress and insist that any agreed arrangements are applied fairly and transparently. The Rivers State Government should treat this intervention as an opportunity to rebuild confidence. Timely support would show that workers’ welfare is more than a talking point and that the State recognises the economic realities confronting its employees.
Silence, delay or selective implementation, by contrast, would revive frustration over earlier relief measures and weaken trust between government and labour. Every month lost to administrative delay leaves workers facing the same transport burden without the intended assistance. The State should consult labour, publish arrangements and pay eligible workers on time. Rivers workers should not have to wonder whether federal relief will reach them. The Federal Government has announced the support; now the State must make its position clear. We hope the N70,000 monthly transport intervention will not follow the troubling path of the earlier wage award. Rivers State should learn from that experience and ensure that this time, relief is not merely promised but delivered.
Sylvia ThankGod-Amadi
Opinion
Ancestorial Worship: My Take (1)
Everyday, Christians call on Abraham, Isaac and Jacob as they pray to God in the privacy of their homes across our multicultural, multiracial and multiethnic world. On Sundays and almost everyday of the week in the new-found full freaking fanaticism in Pentecostalism, they gather in the more than four million churches or congregations in the world to worship God, invoking the spirits of the ancestors of Jews. Meanwhile, in the scaremongering antics of institutional religion, the African has allowed himself to be hoodwinked into believing that invoking the spirit of his ancestors in prayers is idolatry and patently evil. He is mind-controlled into believing that indulgence in what the Christian clergy calls ”Satanic Act” is a sure ticket to Hell, where the individual is tormented, burnt and charred till eternity on the orders of a loving Father; what a laughable irony.
Come with me on my experience of what the Christian clergy contemptuously calls ancestorial worship. One Monday in September 1988, I drove from Port Harcourt to Owerri, accompanied by Chief AM Abasi who was the general manager of Delta Holdings Ltd, a company owned by Chief Ranami Abah, (Abadifeni III). Our mission was a meeting with Mr. Nwaorgu, the marketing manager of 33 Breweries Ltd for a dealership for Mrs. Alice Abah, whose husband, Chief Ranami Abah, had substantial equity shareholding in 33 Breweries Ltd. At the end of the meeting, we agreed to return on Wednesday with Mrs Alice to sign a contract for the dealership. When Chief Abasi and I stepped out to the parking lot, it hit me that I could not recollect how I drove from Port Harcourt through Igwuruta, Isiokpo and Elele to Owerri.
First, I waved the feeling off, ascribing it to the aerodynamic and slippery nature of the super slick German machine, a Mercedes-Benz 280 SLC convertible owned by Chief Ranami Abah. But on a second thought, I sensed a premonition; an ominous feeling. Then a sense of foreboding hit me, leaving me with the chilly feeling that something wrong was in the air. For a person who does not know fear as a result of having had out-of-body experience (OBE) in 1975 and considering the threshold of death the most beautiful experience in my life, it was a very worrisome feeling, to say the least. I quickly shook those thoughts out of my head, engaged the gear of the ever-ready German machine and zapped through Owerri traffic, attracting the same attention that trailed us all the way from Port Harcourt.
At Control Post, an inner voice instructed me not to return to Port Harcourt through the route we came. In reflexive obedience to the mysterious inaudible voice, I turned right (northwards) and stepped heavily on the gas. The straight six-cylinder engine roared in dutiful obedience; the automatic transmission immediately dropped into a lower gear, thereby giving the engine a very powerful pull that enabled the small-bodied car to dust every other vehicle on the road. Through the rear view mirror, I saw the vehicles we overtook recede speedily and virtually disappear behind us. In almost a whisper, Chief Abasi asked if I wanted to visit the 33 Brewery factory at Awo Omamma; I said ”no” without explaining the movement in the opposite direction of our journey.
Strangely, Chief Abasi did not pry further. We raced on, northwards; in thunderous silence. At Ogbaku junction, I turned left, drove westwards past Ejemekwuru and Izombe, turned left at Oguta and headed southwards on the Oguta Lake–Egbema–Omoku–Ahoada Federal Road. Carefully navigating the potholes that generously punctuated the road vis-a-vis the very low clearing of the car, I entered Egbema territory at Opuoma, drove through Mmahu, Abacheke, Okwuzi and turned eastwards to Mgbede, my home town. There, I quickly introduced Chief Abasi to my parents, left him with them and briskly walked a few metre to the grave of Osai, my grandfather. At the graveside, I solemnly told Osai that I sense something wrong in the air.
Then, in furious rage, I threatened him and my uncle, Lazarus, who lay beside him, that if they remained sleepy-eyed in that dimension and I am forced out of this world, that I will scatter their ribcage with penknife. My cousin and age mate, Luke Ofere, came out of his house and asked what was wrong and why I was in tears. With hot tears running down my cheeks, I turned around and left the graveside without a word to him; shock, surprise and confusion were boldly written on his face. On my way back to my father’s house, Nze Romanus Ogboh caught up with my brisk strides and, viciously pulling his right ear, he warned me to be careful on the road; that he dreamt that I died in a motor accident but that he administered a potion on me and I came back alive.
He was completely confused when I replied ”I know” and continued walking in tears towards my father’s house without a further word. Still in the holy rage, I called out Chief Abasi to join me in the car. Back to Port Harcourt through Omoku, Ahoada, Elele Alimini and Emohua, I told my spouse that something wrong is certainly around the corner. As we planned, Chief Abasi travelled to Calabar on Tuesday to inform Auntie Alice of the development and request her to come to Port Harcourt on Wednesday for onward journey to Owerri to effect the dealership contract. On Wednesday, I waited for them but they did not show up. I called Chief Abah and complained about the development. Thursday morning, they pulled up in front of my apartment in a blue Peugeot 504.
To be continued in our next edition.
Jason Osai
Osai lectures in Rivers State University.
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