Editorial
Dangote: Another Commendable Landmark
The Dangote Industries Limited made history last Wednesday in Abuja when its Chairman, Alhaji Aliko Dangote signed a $3.3 billion (N512 billion) loan agreement with representatives of a consortium of 12 banks led by GT Bank and Standard Chartered Bank for the establishment of a proposed Africa’s biggest private refinery complex.
The loan is said to be part of a $9 billion (N1.4 trillion) capital mix required by the Dangote Group to execute a 400,000 barrels-per-day refinery, petrochemical and fertiliser project at the Olokola Liquefied Natural Gas (OKLNG) Free Trade Zone, located between Ogun and Ondo States in Nigeria’s South West.
Even as crude is being discovered in more African countries, Nigeria remains the largest producer of the resource in the continent and must find very practical and profitable ways of utilising this resource that has continued to account for 70 percent of the budget and about 90 percent of Nigeria’s foreign earnings.
This enviable profile of the sector has hardly improved the living standard of the average Nigerian. Most worrisome is the inability of the state-owned Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) operated four refineries to as little as satisfy local market, with the 445,000 barrels of crude oil allocated to them daily.
Even the widely hailed promise of getting the original builders of these refineries to undertake a Turn-Around Maintenance (TAM) that would restore the ailing plants back to 90 per cent operational capacity has now become a mere ministerial refrain at every major oil and gas conference.
Equally disturbing is the report that the Federal Government spends about N1.3 trillion annually (an equivalent of 22 per cent of its budget) to subsidise the cost of importing refined petroleum products into the country, at a time when neighbouring Niger Republic is said to have built a world-class oil refinery near the Nigerian border ostensibly to take advantage of developments in Nigeria.
According to Dangote, the proposed mega refinery is designed to produce high grade petrol, diesel, aviation fuel, household kerosene and slurry – a raw material for producing carbon black. He hopes to reduce Nigeria’s importation of petroleum products by 50 per cent in 2016 when the plant will have commenced full operation.
The resolve of Dangote to undertake the building of a refinery, a venture which many investors had avoided, and for good reason, calls for commendation. To have come up with an integrated system to make the sector viable in spite of some seemingly impossible local conditions clearly shows why Dangote is considered to be the richest African.
We are grateful that Dangote is using his wealth, business experience and courage to open up the Nigerian economy in ways never thought possible. Until now, a lot of local investors were not able to utilise their licences to build and operate refineries because of the refusal of Nigerians to allow for the complete removal of subsidy on petroleum products.
Clearly, the same reason would have sufficed to deter Dangote but his ability to come up with the petrochemical and fertiliser plants to make up for the deficiency in the refinery component is very ingenious and worthy of emulation.
Dangote has made an unprecedented input in the economic development of Nigeria for which the award of the highest honour of this country stands justified. His landmark breakthroughs in the manufacturing of cement, sugar, flour, fruit juice and other household goods, in addition to the generation of employment for Nigerians, are unrivalled.
Dangote had, over the years, demonstrated the knack for identifying business opportunities at the very same places where many other Nigerian and foreign investors see only the inhibitions provided by lack of basic infrastructure, inadequate public power supply, security challenges, high cost of borrowing and the misapplication of subsidy.
As Dangote kick-starts the refinery project, The Tide hopes that the Nigerian government will give him all the support he would need to make it a success. Even so, we expect that as Dangote plans to curb fuel import by half in 2016, other operators in the sector should join forces and replicate the Dangote model in the Niger Delta area and help put an end to fuel importation and massive unemployment.
Editorial
2027: Beyond IGP’s Billboards Protection Order
As Nigeria moves toward the 2027 general elections and campaign activities intensify, violence against opposition politicians has become an issue that can no longer be overlooked. What should be a season of competing ideas is increasingly turning into a test of intimidation, and early signs suggest that those challenging the ruling establishment are the primary targets.
It was, therefore, welcome news when the Inspector-General of Police, Olatunji Disu, warned politicians, political thugs and others against destroying, defacing or removing campaign posters, banners and billboards. In a statement issued in Abuja by the Force Public Relations Officer, CSP Ani Iniedu, the police condemned such acts as political intolerance, directed Commissioners of Police in all 36 States and the Federal Capital Territory to take preventive measures, and warned that sponsors would also face prosecution. The police rightly described such vandalism as a criminal act that undermines parties’ and candidates’ freedom to canvass for votes.
But billboards are replaceable; human lives are not. While applauding the IGP’s stance, we urge him to extend the same stern warning and enforcement zeal to thugs who assault opposition members during campaigns. A police force that punishes the tearing of a poster but ignores the breaking of a skull will have its priorities questioned. Allowing such attacks to continue could erode the foundations of our democracy.
Consider the African Democratic Congress (ADC) presidential campaign flag-off in Sokoto State on November 4, 2026. The party alleged that the State Government denied it access to public facilities, sealed its campaign venue and pressured hotels to reject its delegates, forcing it to hold the rally at its secretariat. The Sokoto authorities, however, denied instructing hotels to turn guests away. More seriously, two suspected ADC supporters were reportedly shot along the Sokoto–Wurno Road while travelling to the venue, allegedly by operatives of the Sokoto State Community Guards.
Whatever the truth of these competing accounts, a shooting demands more than press statements. It requires a transparent, independent investigation and prosecution where warranted. Sokoto was not an isolated incident. The following day in Birnin Kebbi, the ADC presidential campaign convoy was reportedly attacked by armed gangs. Amnesty International said vehicles were vandalised, people assaulted with cutlasses and roads blocked, while the party’s Kebbi governorship candidate, Abubakar Malami, alleged that media equipment was destroyed and tear gas deployed. His convoy had suffered a similar attack in the city in September 2025.
The Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC) has suffered similar attacks. On November 4, hoodlums stoned the motorcade of its presidential candidate, Peter Obi, and running mate, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, at Watt Market roundabout in Calabar, Cross River State. Police reported arresting a 27-year-old suspect, Victor Edet, although it remains unclear whether he has been arraigned. The State Government has denied suggestions that ruling-party supporters were responsible. Worse, in Asaba, Delta State, one person was killed and five injured when suspected thugs attacked an NDC rally. A death at a political rally is no longer a warning; it is a damning indictment of the prevailing political climate.
Even critics of the establishment who are not frontrunners have not been spared. Omoyele Sowore, presidential candidate of the African Action Congress (AAC), was attacked by suspected thugs at a restaurant in Ado-Ekiti on October 30. He alleged that the assailants were linked to the Ekiti State Government House and that the Department of State Services leaked his location. Both the State Government and the security service denied involvement, while the police reported a minor injury and a discreet investigation. These conflicting accounts make an independent, publicly reported inquiry indispensable.
What deepens the concern is the Federal Government’s apparent silence. We are unaware of any specific, forceful condemnation of these assaults, even as All Progressives Congress (APC) rallies appear to proceed nationwide without incident. Such silence can easily be misconstrued as complicity, regardless of intent.
According to the Centre for Democracy and Development, 109 election-related deaths were recorded in the build-up to the 2023 polls. The Kimpact Development Initiative separately documented 238 incidents and 24 deaths during the general elections. Beyond Nigeria, Kenya’s 2007–08 post-election violence claimed more than 1,000 lives, according to the Waki Commission. Ghana, by contrast, enacted the Vigilantism and Related Offences Act in 2019 to curb party vigilante groups, a model worth studying.
The remedies are neither exotic nor expensive. The IGP should extend his directive to cover assaults on individuals and disruptions of rallies, while establishing a dedicated investigative unit to probe the Sokoto shooting and the attacks in Kebbi, Calabar, Asaba and Ado-Ekiti. It should publish the status of each case within a fixed period. Suspects must be prosecuted and their sponsors, regardless of party or position, brought to justice. State-backed security outfits, including the Community Guards, should be audited and barred from partisan duties.
The Federal Government must speak and act unequivocally. President Tinubu should specifically condemn attacks on opposition candidates and direct all security agencies to guarantee equal protection for every party. Governors must ensure equal access to public facilities for registered parties. The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), which has warned of fines and imprisonment under the Electoral Act 2026 for inflammatory campaign conduct, should enforce the Code of Conduct for Political Parties. Working with the Inter-Agency Consultative Committee on Election Security, it should publish a joint security plan covering campaigns, polling, and collation. Parties must discipline their supporters, courts expedite electoral-violence trials, and civil society and the media maintain a public record of incidents and their outcomes.
The credibility of the 2027 elections is at stake. An election is credible only when every contender can campaign, travel, assemble and speak freely, without fear. Without a free opposition, there can be no meaningful democracy. Nigeria is not a one-party State, and law enforcement agencies must demonstrate their neutrality through action, not communiqués. The campaign atmosphere is too tense to be left to chance. Billboards deserve protection, certainly, but citizens deserve it far more.
Editorial
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