Editorial
Post-Amnesty: Beyond Restructuring
The Federal Government, last week, announced plans to restructure its post amnesty programme. According to the Special Adviser to the President on Parastatals and Statutory Bodies on Government Affairs, Deacon Braiye Ekiye, the planned restructuring is part of the efforts to properly integrate the ex-militants in the mainstream of government activities. This, according to him, is to ensure that in no distant time, the ex-militants, who are currently undergoing different training programmes in foreign countries, will become citizens that cannot be used for nefarious activities.
Also, as part of the restructuring, the Federal Government says it would ensure that the programme set for infrastructural development in terms of rehabilitating the ex-militants is implemented.
Commendable as this move may seem, critics of the post-amnesty programme have continuously voiced concern on its open-ended nature. For instance, the absence of a definite timeframe for the much hailed post-amnesty rehabilitation process has been described by some observers as, possibly, a means to cover up the misuse of public funds.
It has also been observed that, despite laudable gains attributed to the post-amnesty programme – like increased crude oil production and decline in militant-related violence such as kidnapping in the region, no one, including government officials, seems to know what exactly comes next. In other words, there are no timelines attached to projects requiring huge public funds.
Last year, the budget of the programme was reported to have swollen from N58 billion to N65 billion, while this year, no one seems to know exactly how much the programme was going to cost.
Former special adviser to the president on Niger Delta and chairman of the Amnesty Committee, Timi Alaibe, was once reported as describing the final stage of the post-amnesty programme – reintegration – as essentially a social and economic process with an open time-frame. Also, the Special Adviser to the President on Petroleum Matters, Engr Emmanuel Egbogah was recently quoted as stating that the amnesty training programme is not something that is for one day, but an ongoing thing that could last for years.
These uncertainties have, no doubt, heightened fears that the programme is prone to hijack, and can be used as means to siphon public funds.
In this regard, we think that the proposed restructuring, which aims at hastening the realization of the fundamental objectives of the post-amnesty programme – the reintegration of the ex-militants into the mainstream of the society, provides ample opportunity to eliminate these uncertainties through the introduction of timelines on subsequent projects meant for the ex-militants.
Another concern which the management of the programme must not keep in the background while reviewing its activities is the society into which these ex-militants are supposed to be reintegrated.
Here is a society comprising millions of law abiding but jobless youths whose future were also partly dislocated by the illegitimate activities of these once ‘outlaws’ but now ex-militants. Here is also a society comprising families and communities set apart and even put on war part by the activities of the ex-militants.
We think that any purposeful restructuring of the post-amnesty programme must, in addition to setting timelines for the remaining activities of the programme, must hasten to liaise with all the agencies of government concerned with addressing the developmental needs of the Niger Delta with the view to stimulating them into visible activities.
We, therefore, urge the Federal Government to take immediate steps to boost activities in those ministries, parastatals and agencies concerned with youth empowerment. The Ministry of Niger Delta and agencies such as the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), skills acquisition centres, and scholarship boards must be funded adequately to increase the pace of development activities in the region.When this is done, youths prone to militancy could look up to these agencies and institutions as avenues of bettering their future rather than taking to militancy.
Of course, it is a truism that, you cannot make a child happy by making him richer than his other siblings. The sumptuous treatment currently given to the ex-militants could have a negative effect of provoking envy among the large school of unemployed youths in the region. But if agencies set up to cater for their individual and collective developmental concerns are strengthened to function effectively, it becomes difficult to divert their attention to nefarious activities that threaten peace and security.
Again, we expect the restructured post-amnesty to include programmes of reconciliation of families and communities set apart by the militancy while it raged. To reintegrate these ex-militants into the civil society without first reconciling them with their kith and kin, their families and neighbours could further inflame passion. This is our take!
Editorial
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Editorial
That Oshiomhole’s Call On FG’s Road Projects
There are moments in the life of a legislature when plain speaking becomes a public service. Senator Adams Oshiomhole provided such a moment on the floor of the Senate when he accused the Minister of Works, Senator David Umahi, of manifestly neglecting critical federal arteries in Edo and Delta States, and implored his colleagues to prevail on the Minister to adopt a more equitable and genuinely national approach to road infrastructure delivery. It was blunt, it was uncomfortable, and it was necessary.
The specifics of his complaint deserve restating. Drawing attention to the recent approval of some 20 new road projects despite the parlous state of existing ones, the former Edo State governor lamented that Nigerians cannot travel from Benin to Warri, Benin to Asaba, Benin to Auchi, or Auchi to Okene without encountering severe distress. He alleged a deliberate omission of these corridors from the national budget in the last three years, save for palliative interventions directed by President Bola Tinubu through tax credit arrangements. His question — “What have we done wrong?” — resonates far beyond the chambers of the National Assembly.
We lend our full and unequivocal support to that call. The Auchi-Benin Road, for instance, has been in a deplorable and near-impassable condition for several years, turning what should be a two-hour journey into an all-day ordeal of broken axles, extortionate fares, and despondent commuters. The media have, on multiple occasions, chronicled the suffering of motorists, traders, and students who ply that route. To describe it as a federal road today is to stretch the meaning of the term beyond recognition.
This pattern of sidelining is not confined to Edo or Delta. Even here in Rivers State, the disposition of the Federal Ministry of Works has left much to be desired, particularly along the Eleme axis of the East-West Road. That road, which ought to be a flagship of federal presence in the Niger Delta, has remained in a wretched state for long. Those who use it daily — workers at the Eleme Petrochemical Complex, the two refineries, Onne Port, and the countless ancillary industries — can attest to its deterioration. Work has proceeded in fits and starts without the sustained urgency such a strategic road demands.
The Eleme stretch is not a mere intra-state byway. It is the gateway to the nation’s economic jugular. According to the Federal Ministry of Works and Housing’s 2023 Highway Condition Survey, only about 35 per cent of the country’s 36,000 kilometres of federal roads are rated as being in good or fair condition, with the remainder classified as poor or very poor. The East-West Road, conceived in the 1970s to bind the entire Niger Delta, remains unfinished in critical sections more than four decades after. If it had been treated as a priority, the perennial gridlock, carnage, and economic loss on the Eleme-Refinery junction would have long been consigned to history.
The irony is as painful as it is glaring. The Niger Delta remains the goose that lays the golden eggs. Data from the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative [NEITI 2023 Oil and Gas Audit] show that the region still accounts for over 78 per cent of Nigeria’s federally collected export earnings and about 65 per cent of total government revenue. The National Bureau of Statistics [NBS Foreign Trade Report Q4 2024] similarly confirms that crude oil continues to dominate export receipts. By every metric of equity and economic logic, a region that sustains the national purse deserves first-rate consideration in the allocation of infrastructure, not afterthoughts and tokenism.
Road infrastructure is not largesse to be dispensed by favour; it is the skeleton upon which commerce, cohesion, and citizenship hang. When contracts are concentrated in one geopolitical zone while other zones are left to contend with craters, it erodes trust in the federation itself. The World Bank’s Nigeria Development Update [June 2023] estimated that poor transport connectivity inflates the cost of moving goods by up to 40 per cent and costs the Nigerian economy an estimated $1.5 billion annually in lost man-hours and vehicle maintenance. If we profess to be one country, then equity must be the compass that guides key institutions before any project is executed. Development must spread round, not pool in one place as though other regions do not matter.
There is also a grave security dimension that can no longer be ignored. The deplorable condition of federal roads has become a veritable enabler of criminality. The NBS Crime Experience and Security Perception Survey reported over 2.5 million incidents of kidnapping-related occurrences nationally, with transport workers identifying bad road spots as prime ambush points. When vehicles are forced to crawl at 10 kilometres per hour through failed sections at Auchi, Sapele Road, or Eleme, they become sitting ducks for armed gangs. Fixing bad roads, therefore, is not merely about convenience; it is about safeguarding lives.
By his intervention, Senator Oshiomhole has hit the nail on the head and reminded Minister Umahi of a fundamental constitutional truth: public office is held in trust. The Ministry of Works is not a personal estate where contracts are awarded according to whim or political convenience. It is a national institution funded by the collective resources of Nigerians, including the oil and gas rents from the very communities whose roads are now neglected. The Minister must demonstrate balance, transparency, and a pan-Nigerian outlook in the distribution of projects that impact the daily existence of citizens. Selective neglect breeds suspicion, and suspicion is corrosive at a time when the nation is preaching unity, oneness, equity, and justice.
Consequently, the National Assembly must go beyond rhetoric and assert its oversight powers with vigour. Sections 88 and 89 of the 1999 Constitution [as amended] empower the legislature to investigate and expose any maladministration in the execution of federal projects. If an office holder is not acting rightly, it is the duty of the Senate and the House of Representatives to call him to order. Oversight must not be reduced to budget approval ceremonies; it must translate to field verification, public hearings, and insistence that the Federal Character principle, as enshrined in Section 14(3) of the Constitution, reflects in road awards.
Let the Auchi-Okene, Benin-Warri, Benin-Asaba, and Eleme East-West gangways be restored to motorable dignity. Let priority be given to completing existing, economically vital roads before embarking on new ones. If those who, through their resources, sustain the federation are sidelined in the distribution of tangible dividends, it tells poorly of our nationhood. Bad roads must be fixed, and they must be fixed now, with fairness as the guiding standard.
Editorial
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