Editorial
Poverty Eradication And Vision 2020
Statistics released recently by the United Nations (UN) paints a gloomy picture of backwardness among sub-Saharan African countries, their improved rates of economic growth notwithstanding. In clear terms, the region lags far behind in the global race to reduce poverty and hunger by half in 2015
That challenge is the first of the eight Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) adopted by UN member-countries in 2000.
It is, however, worrisome that Nigeria which was believed to be pursuing some semblances of these goals in her long-touted Vision 2000 (later known as Vision 2010 and now, Vision 20:2020) project, could not even be singled out as being ahead of her regional peers in the achievement of any one of these MDGs.
Equally disturbing is the apparent indication that, with only five years remaining, Nigeria has already seen herself as being incapable of attaining the MDGs within the stipulated time frame and has instead redirected her effort and scarce resources at pursuing a rather ambitious project which will hopefully situate her among the 20 most developed economies of the world by 2020. She calls it Vision 20: 2020.
Another fear being entertained here is that if, as is already being speculated, the UN goes ahead to adopt the eight MDGs as its global measures of development for the new Millennium, then it means that Nigeria and countries which are currently passive in the pursuit of these goals will most certainly rank lowly on a revised list classifying the nations of the world.
There is no doubt that poverty, defined in whichever context and measured by whatever yardstick, remains central in the character of a developing economy. Fighting poverty requires strong political will on the part of the leaders, ethical re-orientation of the populace, mass education and skills acquisition, capital formation, security, provision and maintenance of infrastructure, among others.
In a country where the average daily expenditure per person is less than N200, the ability to afford the three basic human needs of food, clothing and shelter becomes less than meagre. Again, with the average daily calorie intake per capita falling below 2,900, malnutrition looms large.
Ordinarily, the Federal Government would be seen as taking the fight against poverty very seriously. To the undiscerning, there can be no better indication of this seriousness than the establishment of such poverty fighting institutions like the defunct Peoples Bank of Nigeria, MDG office, National Poverty Eradication Programme (NAPEP), Micro-Finance Banks, Nigerian Agricultural Cooperative and Rural Development Bank (NACRDB), etc. But that is as far as it gets.
Budgetary allocations to some of these institutions do sometimes cast doubts on our leaders’ sincerity of purpose. The case of NAPEP readily lends itself for study. Only recently, the national coordinator, Dr. Magnus Kpakol, while appearing on a weekly personality interview programme, The Tide Roundtable, revealed that NAPEP has since inception received a fixed N1.3 billion budgetary allocation for capital expenditure and, for 2010, only N500 million is available for lending as micro-credit. A breakdown of this amount shows that each state of the federation gets a N13.5 million fund from NAPEP for the fight against poverty. At the local government level, a state like Kano, with its 44 councils, will disburse only N25,000 monthly as micro-credit from NAPEP.
We believe that this amount is rather too paltry and obviously laughable, especially coming from a programme that is run directly from The Presidency.
Available statistics show that from 28 per cent in 1980, the poverty rate in Nigeria rose to 70 per cent in 1999 and fell to a little less than 54 per cent in 2005. Economists say it is now somewhere between 50 and 52 per cent. Howbeit, these figures serve to prove that the nation’s poverty rate has not shown a consistent downward trend in the last few decades and given the recent daily hike in commodity prices, it means that inflation continues to erode whatever gains that may have resulted from the widely acknowledged recent improvements in economic growth rate.
In view of the fact that Vision 20:2020 is barely 10 years away and not much has been achieved in the task of attaining poverty reduction The Tide suggests a review of the strategies currently being employed by the agencies spearheading the war against poverty, hunger and malnutrition.
If Vision 2020 fails, then it means that the country will have failed to realise, yet again, some lofty ideas she visualised in the 1990s and Nigerians will, as usual, be persuaded that the solution lies in yet another 10 years. God forbid that this happens!
Editorial
That Oshiomhole’s Call On FG’s Road Projects
There are moments in the life of a legislature when plain speaking becomes a public service. Senator Adams Oshiomhole provided such a moment on the floor of the Senate when he accused the Minister of Works, Senator David Umahi, of manifestly neglecting critical federal arteries in Edo and Delta States, and implored his colleagues to prevail on the Minister to adopt a more equitable and genuinely national approach to road infrastructure delivery. It was blunt, it was uncomfortable, and it was necessary.
The specifics of his complaint deserve restating. Drawing attention to the recent approval of some 20 new road projects despite the parlous state of existing ones, the former Edo State governor lamented that Nigerians cannot travel from Benin to Warri, Benin to Asaba, Benin to Auchi, or Auchi to Okene without encountering severe distress. He alleged a deliberate omission of these corridors from the national budget in the last three years, save for palliative interventions directed by President Bola Tinubu through tax credit arrangements. His question — “What have we done wrong?” — resonates far beyond the chambers of the National Assembly.
We lend our full and unequivocal support to that call. The Auchi-Benin Road, for instance, has been in a deplorable and near-impassable condition for several years, turning what should be a two-hour journey into an all-day ordeal of broken axles, extortionate fares, and despondent commuters. The media have, on multiple occasions, chronicled the suffering of motorists, traders, and students who ply that route. To describe it as a federal road today is to stretch the meaning of the term beyond recognition.
This pattern of sidelining is not confined to Edo or Delta. Even here in Rivers State, the disposition of the Federal Ministry of Works has left much to be desired, particularly along the Eleme axis of the East-West Road. That road, which ought to be a flagship of federal presence in the Niger Delta, has remained in a wretched state for long. Those who use it daily — workers at the Eleme Petrochemical Complex, the two refineries, Onne Port, and the countless ancillary industries — can attest to its deterioration. Work has proceeded in fits and starts without the sustained urgency such a strategic road demands.
The Eleme stretch is not a mere intra-state byway. It is the gateway to the nation’s economic jugular. According to the Federal Ministry of Works and Housing’s 2023 Highway Condition Survey, only about 35 per cent of the country’s 36,000 kilometres of federal roads are rated as being in good or fair condition, with the remainder classified as poor or very poor. The East-West Road, conceived in the 1970s to bind the entire Niger Delta, remains unfinished in critical sections more than four decades after. If it had been treated as a priority, the perennial gridlock, carnage, and economic loss on the Eleme-Refinery junction would have long been consigned to history.
The irony is as painful as it is glaring. The Niger Delta remains the goose that lays the golden eggs. Data from the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative [NEITI 2023 Oil and Gas Audit] show that the region still accounts for over 78 per cent of Nigeria’s federally collected export earnings and about 65 per cent of total government revenue. The National Bureau of Statistics [NBS Foreign Trade Report Q4 2024] similarly confirms that crude oil continues to dominate export receipts. By every metric of equity and economic logic, a region that sustains the national purse deserves first-rate consideration in the allocation of infrastructure, not afterthoughts and tokenism.
Road infrastructure is not largesse to be dispensed by favour; it is the skeleton upon which commerce, cohesion, and citizenship hang. When contracts are concentrated in one geopolitical zone while other zones are left to contend with craters, it erodes trust in the federation itself. The World Bank’s Nigeria Development Update [June 2023] estimated that poor transport connectivity inflates the cost of moving goods by up to 40 per cent and costs the Nigerian economy an estimated $1.5 billion annually in lost man-hours and vehicle maintenance. If we profess to be one country, then equity must be the compass that guides key institutions before any project is executed. Development must spread round, not pool in one place as though other regions do not matter.
There is also a grave security dimension that can no longer be ignored. The deplorable condition of federal roads has become a veritable enabler of criminality. The NBS Crime Experience and Security Perception Survey reported over 2.5 million incidents of kidnapping-related occurrences nationally, with transport workers identifying bad road spots as prime ambush points. When vehicles are forced to crawl at 10 kilometres per hour through failed sections at Auchi, Sapele Road, or Eleme, they become sitting ducks for armed gangs. Fixing bad roads, therefore, is not merely about convenience; it is about safeguarding lives.
By his intervention, Senator Oshiomhole has hit the nail on the head and reminded Minister Umahi of a fundamental constitutional truth: public office is held in trust. The Ministry of Works is not a personal estate where contracts are awarded according to whim or political convenience. It is a national institution funded by the collective resources of Nigerians, including the oil and gas rents from the very communities whose roads are now neglected. The Minister must demonstrate balance, transparency, and a pan-Nigerian outlook in the distribution of projects that impact the daily existence of citizens. Selective neglect breeds suspicion, and suspicion is corrosive at a time when the nation is preaching unity, oneness, equity, and justice.
Consequently, the National Assembly must go beyond rhetoric and assert its oversight powers with vigour. Sections 88 and 89 of the 1999 Constitution [as amended] empower the legislature to investigate and expose any maladministration in the execution of federal projects. If an office holder is not acting rightly, it is the duty of the Senate and the House of Representatives to call him to order. Oversight must not be reduced to budget approval ceremonies; it must translate to field verification, public hearings, and insistence that the Federal Character principle, as enshrined in Section 14(3) of the Constitution, reflects in road awards.
Let the Auchi-Okene, Benin-Warri, Benin-Asaba, and Eleme East-West gangways be restored to motorable dignity. Let priority be given to completing existing, economically vital roads before embarking on new ones. If those who, through their resources, sustain the federation are sidelined in the distribution of tangible dividends, it tells poorly of our nationhood. Bad roads must be fixed, and they must be fixed now, with fairness as the guiding standard.
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