Editorial
That Bill On Jungle Justice
About two weeks ago, the Senate roundly condemned the rising cases of jungle justice in Nigeria. The Senators’ anger was triggered by a mob action against a teenage boy, who was lynched to death for allegedly stealing a mobile phone at Alafia bus stop in Orile, along Badagry Expressway in Lagos. The video and pictures of the mob action went viral immediately, and attracted attention of most Nigerians, including rights groups, politicians, among others.
The Red Chamber unequivocally poured vituperations on those who, without hesitation, took the laws into their own hands by lynching any person or persons suspected of committing criminal acts. The lawmakers insisted that such act of hooliganism was not only barbaric but also inhuman and unacceptable. The Upper Legislative Chamber advised that the spontaneous reaction to suspected criminal acts must stop, if Nigeria is to be counted as a civilized society that respects the rule of law.
In a motion sponsored by Gbenga Ashafa (APC-Lagos East), and supported by Senate Leader, Ali Ndume (APC–Borno South), the Senate urged the police to immediately confirm or deny the November 16, 2016, shameful incident in Lagos, including other recent mob actions in other states of the federation, and what it has done to check the ugly trend. The Red Chamber particularly charged the police to fish out the perpetrators of the gruesome murder of the young boy, and also ensure that they are brought to book as quickly as possible. The Senate also asked the Minister of Justice and Attorney General of the Federation, state Attorneys General, and the police across the country to take Steps to apprehend and prosecute those involved in such a case and similar incidents that are crude reminders of the state of nature where might was right and brutish. It should not be so in the 21st century. The Upper Chamber also urged its Committee on Judiciary, Human Rights and Legal Matters to expedite action on the passage of the Anti-Jungle Justice Bill before it. Regretting that the nasty behaviour has led the international community to tag Nigeria as one of the worst places where the primitive resort to jungle justice as a way of redressing grievances still persists in the world.
The Tide feels particularly troubled by this mad rush to obtain justice by crude and fast means without any recourse to the rule of law and due constitutional process. We say so because this tendency has continued to reoccur in most cities, communities, and indeed, neighbourhoods, despite condemnations by well-meaning individuals and rights groups.
In 2011, four University of Port Harcourt students were lynched to death in broad-day light in Omokri-Aluu in Ikwerre Local Government Area of Rivers State by an irate mob following a mere suspicion of wrongdoing. In September, this year, in Uyo, a man’s right hand was chopped off for allegedly stealing a television set from a viewing centre. In October, irate youth in Tudun Wada, in Kaduna South Local Government Area of Kaduna State, attacked and killed about four persons suspected to be members of the Shitite sect. In March, a man was murdered by an angry mob in Benin City, Edo State after he was allegedly caught in a gay act with his partner, who only narrowly escaped lynching. In the same month in Ondo State, another man accused of gay practice died a day after he was beaten to pulp by a mob. On June 2 in Kano, a 74-year-old trader, Mrs. Bridget Agbahime, was lynched at Kofar Wambai Market by Muslim youth over allegations of blasphemy. Barely one week later, a similar incident occurred in Kaduna, where a carpenter, Mr. Francis Emmanuel, was attacked and killed in the Kakuri area of the metropolis by some Muslim youth for allegedly failing to observe the Ramadan fast. These are just a few of the ugly examples of jungle justice and self-help across the country in recent times.
The Tide is disturbed that despite the rising orgy of extra-judicial killings and mob lynching of persons suspected, rightly or wrongly of committing a crime, there are hardly effective efforts by the police and other law enforcement agencies to arrest and prosecute those who resort to jungle justice to mitigate any suspected wrongdoing. Even when suspects are arrested, they largely go scot-free due to lack of diligent prosecution.
Yet, we reckon, and painfully too, that mob action, which often leads to death, is a crime under Nigerian laws. In fact, Section 33 of the 1999 Constitution clearly states, “Every person has a right to life, and no one shall be deprived intentionally of his life, save in execution of the sentence of a court in respect of a criminal offence of which he has been found guilty in Nigeria.” And in a democratic society guided by laws, the quick resort to barbarism and cannibalistic behaviours speak volumes of a deep-seated culture of lack of respect for human lives, which necessarily betrays the confidence of the international community on Nigeria, and indeed, Nigerians as a civilised people.
This is why we boldly join the Senate and other Nigerians who loath this shameful act of barbarism to condemn the rising cases of jungle justice in the land. Even though we agree with the Senate that this trend may have been influenced by the growing lack of confidence by the people on the ability and capacity of government and the law enforcement agencies to provide needed protection and security to all irrespective of their social status, we disagree that this tendency justifies people taking the laws into their own hands by resorting to jungle justice at the slightest provocation. We insist that Nigerians must appreciate the fact that every suspect is presumed innocent until he or she is proven otherwise by a court of competent jurisdiction. And anything contrary to the rule of law in that regard is an affront on the state, and must be punished accordingly to serve as a deterrent to others.
The Tide, therefore, calls on the Senate to, as a matter of urgency, conclude legislative work on the Anti-Jungle Justice Bill before it, and pass same for presidential assent and execution by the law enforcement agencies. This way, the enabling legal framework would have been provided, to help obliterate the often brandied excuses by state Attorneys-General and the police of lack of diligent prosecution, when offenders who actually undermined the state, and deserved to have been punished by the state. We also insist that the police must wake up to its responsibilities to the citizenry by arresting those involved in acts of barbarism and jungle justice, and prosecute such felons according to law, because we do not need any special law to try those who clearly commit acts of murder and homicide.
Editorial
That Oshiomhole’s Call On FG’s Road Projects
There are moments in the life of a legislature when plain speaking becomes a public service. Senator Adams Oshiomhole provided such a moment on the floor of the Senate when he accused the Minister of Works, Senator David Umahi, of manifestly neglecting critical federal arteries in Edo and Delta States, and implored his colleagues to prevail on the Minister to adopt a more equitable and genuinely national approach to road infrastructure delivery. It was blunt, it was uncomfortable, and it was necessary.
The specifics of his complaint deserve restating. Drawing attention to the recent approval of some 20 new road projects despite the parlous state of existing ones, the former Edo State governor lamented that Nigerians cannot travel from Benin to Warri, Benin to Asaba, Benin to Auchi, or Auchi to Okene without encountering severe distress. He alleged a deliberate omission of these corridors from the national budget in the last three years, save for palliative interventions directed by President Bola Tinubu through tax credit arrangements. His question — “What have we done wrong?” — resonates far beyond the chambers of the National Assembly.
We lend our full and unequivocal support to that call. The Auchi-Benin Road, for instance, has been in a deplorable and near-impassable condition for several years, turning what should be a two-hour journey into an all-day ordeal of broken axles, extortionate fares, and despondent commuters. The media have, on multiple occasions, chronicled the suffering of motorists, traders, and students who ply that route. To describe it as a federal road today is to stretch the meaning of the term beyond recognition.
This pattern of sidelining is not confined to Edo or Delta. Even here in Rivers State, the disposition of the Federal Ministry of Works has left much to be desired, particularly along the Eleme axis of the East-West Road. That road, which ought to be a flagship of federal presence in the Niger Delta, has remained in a wretched state for long. Those who use it daily — workers at the Eleme Petrochemical Complex, the two refineries, Onne Port, and the countless ancillary industries — can attest to its deterioration. Work has proceeded in fits and starts without the sustained urgency such a strategic road demands.
The Eleme stretch is not a mere intra-state byway. It is the gateway to the nation’s economic jugular. According to the Federal Ministry of Works and Housing’s 2023 Highway Condition Survey, only about 35 per cent of the country’s 36,000 kilometres of federal roads are rated as being in good or fair condition, with the remainder classified as poor or very poor. The East-West Road, conceived in the 1970s to bind the entire Niger Delta, remains unfinished in critical sections more than four decades after. If it had been treated as a priority, the perennial gridlock, carnage, and economic loss on the Eleme-Refinery junction would have long been consigned to history.
The irony is as painful as it is glaring. The Niger Delta remains the goose that lays the golden eggs. Data from the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative [NEITI 2023 Oil and Gas Audit] show that the region still accounts for over 78 per cent of Nigeria’s federally collected export earnings and about 65 per cent of total government revenue. The National Bureau of Statistics [NBS Foreign Trade Report Q4 2024] similarly confirms that crude oil continues to dominate export receipts. By every metric of equity and economic logic, a region that sustains the national purse deserves first-rate consideration in the allocation of infrastructure, not afterthoughts and tokenism.
Road infrastructure is not largesse to be dispensed by favour; it is the skeleton upon which commerce, cohesion, and citizenship hang. When contracts are concentrated in one geopolitical zone while other zones are left to contend with craters, it erodes trust in the federation itself. The World Bank’s Nigeria Development Update [June 2023] estimated that poor transport connectivity inflates the cost of moving goods by up to 40 per cent and costs the Nigerian economy an estimated $1.5 billion annually in lost man-hours and vehicle maintenance. If we profess to be one country, then equity must be the compass that guides key institutions before any project is executed. Development must spread round, not pool in one place as though other regions do not matter.
There is also a grave security dimension that can no longer be ignored. The deplorable condition of federal roads has become a veritable enabler of criminality. The NBS Crime Experience and Security Perception Survey reported over 2.5 million incidents of kidnapping-related occurrences nationally, with transport workers identifying bad road spots as prime ambush points. When vehicles are forced to crawl at 10 kilometres per hour through failed sections at Auchi, Sapele Road, or Eleme, they become sitting ducks for armed gangs. Fixing bad roads, therefore, is not merely about convenience; it is about safeguarding lives.
By his intervention, Senator Oshiomhole has hit the nail on the head and reminded Minister Umahi of a fundamental constitutional truth: public office is held in trust. The Ministry of Works is not a personal estate where contracts are awarded according to whim or political convenience. It is a national institution funded by the collective resources of Nigerians, including the oil and gas rents from the very communities whose roads are now neglected. The Minister must demonstrate balance, transparency, and a pan-Nigerian outlook in the distribution of projects that impact the daily existence of citizens. Selective neglect breeds suspicion, and suspicion is corrosive at a time when the nation is preaching unity, oneness, equity, and justice.
Consequently, the National Assembly must go beyond rhetoric and assert its oversight powers with vigour. Sections 88 and 89 of the 1999 Constitution [as amended] empower the legislature to investigate and expose any maladministration in the execution of federal projects. If an office holder is not acting rightly, it is the duty of the Senate and the House of Representatives to call him to order. Oversight must not be reduced to budget approval ceremonies; it must translate to field verification, public hearings, and insistence that the Federal Character principle, as enshrined in Section 14(3) of the Constitution, reflects in road awards.
Let the Auchi-Okene, Benin-Warri, Benin-Asaba, and Eleme East-West gangways be restored to motorable dignity. Let priority be given to completing existing, economically vital roads before embarking on new ones. If those who, through their resources, sustain the federation are sidelined in the distribution of tangible dividends, it tells poorly of our nationhood. Bad roads must be fixed, and they must be fixed now, with fairness as the guiding standard.
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