Editorial
That Bill On Jungle Justice
About two weeks ago, the Senate roundly condemned the rising cases of jungle justice in Nigeria. The Senators’ anger was triggered by a mob action against a teenage boy, who was lynched to death for allegedly stealing a mobile phone at Alafia bus stop in Orile, along Badagry Expressway in Lagos. The video and pictures of the mob action went viral immediately, and attracted attention of most Nigerians, including rights groups, politicians, among others.
The Red Chamber unequivocally poured vituperations on those who, without hesitation, took the laws into their own hands by lynching any person or persons suspected of committing criminal acts. The lawmakers insisted that such act of hooliganism was not only barbaric but also inhuman and unacceptable. The Upper Legislative Chamber advised that the spontaneous reaction to suspected criminal acts must stop, if Nigeria is to be counted as a civilized society that respects the rule of law.
In a motion sponsored by Gbenga Ashafa (APC-Lagos East), and supported by Senate Leader, Ali Ndume (APC–Borno South), the Senate urged the police to immediately confirm or deny the November 16, 2016, shameful incident in Lagos, including other recent mob actions in other states of the federation, and what it has done to check the ugly trend. The Red Chamber particularly charged the police to fish out the perpetrators of the gruesome murder of the young boy, and also ensure that they are brought to book as quickly as possible. The Senate also asked the Minister of Justice and Attorney General of the Federation, state Attorneys General, and the police across the country to take Steps to apprehend and prosecute those involved in such a case and similar incidents that are crude reminders of the state of nature where might was right and brutish. It should not be so in the 21st century. The Upper Chamber also urged its Committee on Judiciary, Human Rights and Legal Matters to expedite action on the passage of the Anti-Jungle Justice Bill before it. Regretting that the nasty behaviour has led the international community to tag Nigeria as one of the worst places where the primitive resort to jungle justice as a way of redressing grievances still persists in the world.
The Tide feels particularly troubled by this mad rush to obtain justice by crude and fast means without any recourse to the rule of law and due constitutional process. We say so because this tendency has continued to reoccur in most cities, communities, and indeed, neighbourhoods, despite condemnations by well-meaning individuals and rights groups.
In 2011, four University of Port Harcourt students were lynched to death in broad-day light in Omokri-Aluu in Ikwerre Local Government Area of Rivers State by an irate mob following a mere suspicion of wrongdoing. In September, this year, in Uyo, a man’s right hand was chopped off for allegedly stealing a television set from a viewing centre. In October, irate youth in Tudun Wada, in Kaduna South Local Government Area of Kaduna State, attacked and killed about four persons suspected to be members of the Shitite sect. In March, a man was murdered by an angry mob in Benin City, Edo State after he was allegedly caught in a gay act with his partner, who only narrowly escaped lynching. In the same month in Ondo State, another man accused of gay practice died a day after he was beaten to pulp by a mob. On June 2 in Kano, a 74-year-old trader, Mrs. Bridget Agbahime, was lynched at Kofar Wambai Market by Muslim youth over allegations of blasphemy. Barely one week later, a similar incident occurred in Kaduna, where a carpenter, Mr. Francis Emmanuel, was attacked and killed in the Kakuri area of the metropolis by some Muslim youth for allegedly failing to observe the Ramadan fast. These are just a few of the ugly examples of jungle justice and self-help across the country in recent times.
The Tide is disturbed that despite the rising orgy of extra-judicial killings and mob lynching of persons suspected, rightly or wrongly of committing a crime, there are hardly effective efforts by the police and other law enforcement agencies to arrest and prosecute those who resort to jungle justice to mitigate any suspected wrongdoing. Even when suspects are arrested, they largely go scot-free due to lack of diligent prosecution.
Yet, we reckon, and painfully too, that mob action, which often leads to death, is a crime under Nigerian laws. In fact, Section 33 of the 1999 Constitution clearly states, “Every person has a right to life, and no one shall be deprived intentionally of his life, save in execution of the sentence of a court in respect of a criminal offence of which he has been found guilty in Nigeria.” And in a democratic society guided by laws, the quick resort to barbarism and cannibalistic behaviours speak volumes of a deep-seated culture of lack of respect for human lives, which necessarily betrays the confidence of the international community on Nigeria, and indeed, Nigerians as a civilised people.
This is why we boldly join the Senate and other Nigerians who loath this shameful act of barbarism to condemn the rising cases of jungle justice in the land. Even though we agree with the Senate that this trend may have been influenced by the growing lack of confidence by the people on the ability and capacity of government and the law enforcement agencies to provide needed protection and security to all irrespective of their social status, we disagree that this tendency justifies people taking the laws into their own hands by resorting to jungle justice at the slightest provocation. We insist that Nigerians must appreciate the fact that every suspect is presumed innocent until he or she is proven otherwise by a court of competent jurisdiction. And anything contrary to the rule of law in that regard is an affront on the state, and must be punished accordingly to serve as a deterrent to others.
The Tide, therefore, calls on the Senate to, as a matter of urgency, conclude legislative work on the Anti-Jungle Justice Bill before it, and pass same for presidential assent and execution by the law enforcement agencies. This way, the enabling legal framework would have been provided, to help obliterate the often brandied excuses by state Attorneys-General and the police of lack of diligent prosecution, when offenders who actually undermined the state, and deserved to have been punished by the state. We also insist that the police must wake up to its responsibilities to the citizenry by arresting those involved in acts of barbarism and jungle justice, and prosecute such felons according to law, because we do not need any special law to try those who clearly commit acts of murder and homicide.
Editorial
2027: Beyond IGP’s Billboards Protection Order
As Nigeria moves toward the 2027 general elections and campaign activities intensify, violence against opposition politicians has become an issue that can no longer be overlooked. What should be a season of competing ideas is increasingly turning into a test of intimidation, and early signs suggest that those challenging the ruling establishment are the primary targets.
It was, therefore, welcome news when the Inspector-General of Police, Olatunji Disu, warned politicians, political thugs and others against destroying, defacing or removing campaign posters, banners and billboards. In a statement issued in Abuja by the Force Public Relations Officer, CSP Ani Iniedu, the police condemned such acts as political intolerance, directed Commissioners of Police in all 36 States and the Federal Capital Territory to take preventive measures, and warned that sponsors would also face prosecution. The police rightly described such vandalism as a criminal act that undermines parties’ and candidates’ freedom to canvass for votes.
But billboards are replaceable; human lives are not. While applauding the IGP’s stance, we urge him to extend the same stern warning and enforcement zeal to thugs who assault opposition members during campaigns. A police force that punishes the tearing of a poster but ignores the breaking of a skull will have its priorities questioned. Allowing such attacks to continue could erode the foundations of our democracy.
Consider the African Democratic Congress (ADC) presidential campaign flag-off in Sokoto State on November 4, 2026. The party alleged that the State Government denied it access to public facilities, sealed its campaign venue and pressured hotels to reject its delegates, forcing it to hold the rally at its secretariat. The Sokoto authorities, however, denied instructing hotels to turn guests away. More seriously, two suspected ADC supporters were reportedly shot along the Sokoto–Wurno Road while travelling to the venue, allegedly by operatives of the Sokoto State Community Guards.
Whatever the truth of these competing accounts, a shooting demands more than press statements. It requires a transparent, independent investigation and prosecution where warranted. Sokoto was not an isolated incident. The following day in Birnin Kebbi, the ADC presidential campaign convoy was reportedly attacked by armed gangs. Amnesty International said vehicles were vandalised, people assaulted with cutlasses and roads blocked, while the party’s Kebbi governorship candidate, Abubakar Malami, alleged that media equipment was destroyed and tear gas deployed. His convoy had suffered a similar attack in the city in September 2025.
The Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC) has suffered similar attacks. On November 4, hoodlums stoned the motorcade of its presidential candidate, Peter Obi, and running mate, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, at Watt Market roundabout in Calabar, Cross River State. Police reported arresting a 27-year-old suspect, Victor Edet, although it remains unclear whether he has been arraigned. The State Government has denied suggestions that ruling-party supporters were responsible. Worse, in Asaba, Delta State, one person was killed and five injured when suspected thugs attacked an NDC rally. A death at a political rally is no longer a warning; it is a damning indictment of the prevailing political climate.
Even critics of the establishment who are not frontrunners have not been spared. Omoyele Sowore, presidential candidate of the African Action Congress (AAC), was attacked by suspected thugs at a restaurant in Ado-Ekiti on October 30. He alleged that the assailants were linked to the Ekiti State Government House and that the Department of State Services leaked his location. Both the State Government and the security service denied involvement, while the police reported a minor injury and a discreet investigation. These conflicting accounts make an independent, publicly reported inquiry indispensable.
What deepens the concern is the Federal Government’s apparent silence. We are unaware of any specific, forceful condemnation of these assaults, even as All Progressives Congress (APC) rallies appear to proceed nationwide without incident. Such silence can easily be misconstrued as complicity, regardless of intent.
According to the Centre for Democracy and Development, 109 election-related deaths were recorded in the build-up to the 2023 polls. The Kimpact Development Initiative separately documented 238 incidents and 24 deaths during the general elections. Beyond Nigeria, Kenya’s 2007–08 post-election violence claimed more than 1,000 lives, according to the Waki Commission. Ghana, by contrast, enacted the Vigilantism and Related Offences Act in 2019 to curb party vigilante groups, a model worth studying.
The remedies are neither exotic nor expensive. The IGP should extend his directive to cover assaults on individuals and disruptions of rallies, while establishing a dedicated investigative unit to probe the Sokoto shooting and the attacks in Kebbi, Calabar, Asaba and Ado-Ekiti. It should publish the status of each case within a fixed period. Suspects must be prosecuted and their sponsors, regardless of party or position, brought to justice. State-backed security outfits, including the Community Guards, should be audited and barred from partisan duties.
The Federal Government must speak and act unequivocally. President Tinubu should specifically condemn attacks on opposition candidates and direct all security agencies to guarantee equal protection for every party. Governors must ensure equal access to public facilities for registered parties. The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), which has warned of fines and imprisonment under the Electoral Act 2026 for inflammatory campaign conduct, should enforce the Code of Conduct for Political Parties. Working with the Inter-Agency Consultative Committee on Election Security, it should publish a joint security plan covering campaigns, polling, and collation. Parties must discipline their supporters, courts expedite electoral-violence trials, and civil society and the media maintain a public record of incidents and their outcomes.
The credibility of the 2027 elections is at stake. An election is credible only when every contender can campaign, travel, assemble and speak freely, without fear. Without a free opposition, there can be no meaningful democracy. Nigeria is not a one-party State, and law enforcement agencies must demonstrate their neutrality through action, not communiqués. The campaign atmosphere is too tense to be left to chance. Billboards deserve protection, certainly, but citizens deserve it far more.
Editorial
Champions At Last: Well Done, Flamingos
Editorial
Kula Tragedy, Needless Loss Of Lives
-
Politics5 days agoLG CITY BOY COORDINATOR HAILS WIKE’S SUPPORT FOR ONYESOH, TINUBU
-
Politics5 days ago
DIRI INAUGURATES APC CAMPAIGN COUNCIL, SETS MILLION VOTES TARGET FOR TINUBU
-
Politics5 days agoNDC Candidate Urges Oborevwori To Probe Asaba Political Violence
-
News5 days agoArmy Recovers X Account After Hack Attempt
-
News18 hours ago
RSG Reaffirms Commitment To STEM Education, Technological Advancement
-
Business21 hours ago
‘NUJ, NPA’s Partnership Would Boost Port Producrivity, Economic Growth’
-
News18 hours agoIGP Warns Police Officers Against Partisanship …Directs Regular Engagement With Journalists
-
Politics5 days ago
2027: Oborevwori Tasks Media On Fair, Accurate Reporting
