Editorial
PIB And National Interest
There is no gain saying the fact that no bill has generated so much furore as the Petroleum Industry Bill (PIB) in the history of the nation’s Legislative Assembly.
A carry-over from the 6th Legislative Assembly, the PIB has remained in the legislative cooler for four years despite its acclaimed potentiality to revolutionise the Nigerian oil and gas industry. Though, a lot of theories have been offered on the reason why the extant bill has been in hibernation, a major glimpse was afforded into the reason for its non-passage on the last day of the year 2012 by the Chairman, Senate Committee on Housing, Senator Bukar Abba-Ibrahim.
Complementing the position of the chairman of Northern Governor’s Forum (NGF), Babangida Aliyu who had on August 12, 2012 hinted of plans by governors in the North to reject the proposed bill, Senator Abba – Ibrahim said the northern geo-political zone is opposed to the bill on the grounds of its alleged “lopsidedness” and would block the passage of the bill.
The northern zone’s grouse , Abba-Ibrahim revealed, has to do with a clause in the bill which makes provision for additional 10 per cent oil revenue to oil producing communities.
Insisting that the Niger Delta region should not be offered any additional advantage on a platter of gold via the PIB, the legislator said: “Derivation is only one out of seven sources of revenue for the oil-producing states” . He said the other six sources of additional revenue exclusively available to the Niger Delta zone, additional to the common federal government monthly allocations, included the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) with over N500 billion resources; the Niger Delta Ministry with over N400 billion federal government grants in the name of amnesty and oil companies doing Corporate Social Responsibility. Another 10 per cent to the already existing revenue generators for the zone would be unfair”, Abba-Ibrahim concluded.
The Tide receives with shame Senator Abba-Ibrahim’s denigrating remarks which clearly evince his warped perception that the Niger Delta region has already got more than enough share from the proverbial national cake and should, therefore, aspire no further. In fact, his rather awkward rationalisation that “nobody planted or farmed oil, it is God who put it there” merely orchestrates the dark side of Nigerian politicking, showing how we allow politics to corrupt our perception and appreciation of issues of national interest.
Indeed, Abba-Ibrahim’s remarks, like many of his kinsmen’s, coming at a time that various ethnic groups are being charged to work on templates of unity and national integration, suggest that the allegiance of many a northerner to their ethnic agenda over the overall interest of Nigeria has failed to abate
After billions of Naira have been budgeted to lobby members of the National Assembly on the PIB and prior assurance that it would be passed this year, comments like the ones being canvassed by some northern elements are condemnable.
With the North controlling about 90 per cent of the nation’s oil sector, especially at the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) and the Petroleum Development Trust Fund (PDTF), is it logically and morally correct to say that the Niger Delta has got more than enough and should be entitled to no more benefits? Do we need to restate the fact that several years of unconscionable exploitation of crude oil with no concomitant sustainability programme by the multi-national oil companies had left most parts of Niger Delta region ecologically degraded? Apart from the East-West Road which is yet to be fixed, can the meager handouts in the form of Niger Delta Ministry or NDDC atone for the environmental pollution, underdevelopment and infrastructural neglect of the area? Would the region not have got substantially far more than “additional 10 per cent” if we are practising genuine federalism where the regions claim their resources and only remit certain agreed percentage to the central? These questions beg for answers.
For the avoidance of doubt, the PIB is intended to correct the anomalies in the industry, reduce government control, boost activities at the down-stream sector and generally make for operational efficiency. Any sane person that kicks against this cannot claim to be patriotic.
Apart from the fact that the national budget continues to depend on the oil and gas from the Niger Delta, the need to operate the industry on international standards as stipulated in the PIB should interest every Nigerian. The bill is not about what goes to the Niger Delta, but how best to operate the industry for the optimum benefit of the country.
This clamour to take the lion share rather than contribute to the national cake must stop.
The Tide believes that the time has come for Nigerians to take the interest of the country seriously. It is time to support and act according to justice and good conscience. It is time to stop playing the ethnic card and join hands in nation building.
And as PIB is being considered, everything should also be done to make the solid minerals Act work and make its proceeds form part of the nation’s budget.
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Editorial
That Oshiomhole’s Call On FG’s Road Projects
There are moments in the life of a legislature when plain speaking becomes a public service. Senator Adams Oshiomhole provided such a moment on the floor of the Senate when he accused the Minister of Works, Senator David Umahi, of manifestly neglecting critical federal arteries in Edo and Delta States, and implored his colleagues to prevail on the Minister to adopt a more equitable and genuinely national approach to road infrastructure delivery. It was blunt, it was uncomfortable, and it was necessary.
The specifics of his complaint deserve restating. Drawing attention to the recent approval of some 20 new road projects despite the parlous state of existing ones, the former Edo State governor lamented that Nigerians cannot travel from Benin to Warri, Benin to Asaba, Benin to Auchi, or Auchi to Okene without encountering severe distress. He alleged a deliberate omission of these corridors from the national budget in the last three years, save for palliative interventions directed by President Bola Tinubu through tax credit arrangements. His question — “What have we done wrong?” — resonates far beyond the chambers of the National Assembly.
We lend our full and unequivocal support to that call. The Auchi-Benin Road, for instance, has been in a deplorable and near-impassable condition for several years, turning what should be a two-hour journey into an all-day ordeal of broken axles, extortionate fares, and despondent commuters. The media have, on multiple occasions, chronicled the suffering of motorists, traders, and students who ply that route. To describe it as a federal road today is to stretch the meaning of the term beyond recognition.
This pattern of sidelining is not confined to Edo or Delta. Even here in Rivers State, the disposition of the Federal Ministry of Works has left much to be desired, particularly along the Eleme axis of the East-West Road. That road, which ought to be a flagship of federal presence in the Niger Delta, has remained in a wretched state for long. Those who use it daily — workers at the Eleme Petrochemical Complex, the two refineries, Onne Port, and the countless ancillary industries — can attest to its deterioration. Work has proceeded in fits and starts without the sustained urgency such a strategic road demands.
The Eleme stretch is not a mere intra-state byway. It is the gateway to the nation’s economic jugular. According to the Federal Ministry of Works and Housing’s 2023 Highway Condition Survey, only about 35 per cent of the country’s 36,000 kilometres of federal roads are rated as being in good or fair condition, with the remainder classified as poor or very poor. The East-West Road, conceived in the 1970s to bind the entire Niger Delta, remains unfinished in critical sections more than four decades after. If it had been treated as a priority, the perennial gridlock, carnage, and economic loss on the Eleme-Refinery junction would have long been consigned to history.
The irony is as painful as it is glaring. The Niger Delta remains the goose that lays the golden eggs. Data from the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative [NEITI 2023 Oil and Gas Audit] show that the region still accounts for over 78 per cent of Nigeria’s federally collected export earnings and about 65 per cent of total government revenue. The National Bureau of Statistics [NBS Foreign Trade Report Q4 2024] similarly confirms that crude oil continues to dominate export receipts. By every metric of equity and economic logic, a region that sustains the national purse deserves first-rate consideration in the allocation of infrastructure, not afterthoughts and tokenism.
Road infrastructure is not largesse to be dispensed by favour; it is the skeleton upon which commerce, cohesion, and citizenship hang. When contracts are concentrated in one geopolitical zone while other zones are left to contend with craters, it erodes trust in the federation itself. The World Bank’s Nigeria Development Update [June 2023] estimated that poor transport connectivity inflates the cost of moving goods by up to 40 per cent and costs the Nigerian economy an estimated $1.5 billion annually in lost man-hours and vehicle maintenance. If we profess to be one country, then equity must be the compass that guides key institutions before any project is executed. Development must spread round, not pool in one place as though other regions do not matter.
There is also a grave security dimension that can no longer be ignored. The deplorable condition of federal roads has become a veritable enabler of criminality. The NBS Crime Experience and Security Perception Survey reported over 2.5 million incidents of kidnapping-related occurrences nationally, with transport workers identifying bad road spots as prime ambush points. When vehicles are forced to crawl at 10 kilometres per hour through failed sections at Auchi, Sapele Road, or Eleme, they become sitting ducks for armed gangs. Fixing bad roads, therefore, is not merely about convenience; it is about safeguarding lives.
By his intervention, Senator Oshiomhole has hit the nail on the head and reminded Minister Umahi of a fundamental constitutional truth: public office is held in trust. The Ministry of Works is not a personal estate where contracts are awarded according to whim or political convenience. It is a national institution funded by the collective resources of Nigerians, including the oil and gas rents from the very communities whose roads are now neglected. The Minister must demonstrate balance, transparency, and a pan-Nigerian outlook in the distribution of projects that impact the daily existence of citizens. Selective neglect breeds suspicion, and suspicion is corrosive at a time when the nation is preaching unity, oneness, equity, and justice.
Consequently, the National Assembly must go beyond rhetoric and assert its oversight powers with vigour. Sections 88 and 89 of the 1999 Constitution [as amended] empower the legislature to investigate and expose any maladministration in the execution of federal projects. If an office holder is not acting rightly, it is the duty of the Senate and the House of Representatives to call him to order. Oversight must not be reduced to budget approval ceremonies; it must translate to field verification, public hearings, and insistence that the Federal Character principle, as enshrined in Section 14(3) of the Constitution, reflects in road awards.
Let the Auchi-Okene, Benin-Warri, Benin-Asaba, and Eleme East-West gangways be restored to motorable dignity. Let priority be given to completing existing, economically vital roads before embarking on new ones. If those who, through their resources, sustain the federation are sidelined in the distribution of tangible dividends, it tells poorly of our nationhood. Bad roads must be fixed, and they must be fixed now, with fairness as the guiding standard.
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