Editorial
FG And Gas Flaring Deadlines
For more than four decades now, environmental rights activists and safe Earth advocates have championed a global campaign against greenhouse gas emissions in view of its disastrous hazards to human health and the environment. But it does appear that immediate economic gains have over-shadowed the import of the message to save the Earth for its inhabitants and future generations.
Sadly, what many, including the well-informed, considered as either a ferry tale or fears of a million years away, has become a disturbing reality as exemplified by the gushing heat in recent times. Yet, there are no positive signs that proactive measures are being contemplated.
Only a fortnight ago, Rivers State Commissioner for Environment, Dr. Nyema Weli blamed the excessive hot weather being experienced in the country, particularly in the Niger Delta region, on gas flaring. He then averred that it required only a strong political will on the part of the Federal Government to check, if possible eliminate gas flaring in the country, and save both the environment and the citizenry from unpleasant climatic consequences.
Alarms of this kind are not new. In fact, the United Nations Development Programme has repeatedly warned that gas flares destroy natural resources, alienate people from their land, and adversely affect human development conditions.
Also, in a report published in 2005, the Climate Justice Programme and Environmental Rights Action/Friends of the Earth Nigeria calculated the yearly health impacts from gas flares in the Niger Delta with neighbouring Bayelsa as case study.
The report warned that the particulate matter and benzene emissions from gas flaring at the 17 onshore flow stations in Bayelsa alone could cause, each year, at least 49 premature deaths, 4,960 respiratory illnesses among children, 120,000 asthma attacks and eight additional cases of cancer.
Since then, local communities have reported numerous other impacts of the gas flares, such as red eyes, near absence of darkness, corrugated roofs corroding more quickly, constant noise from gas flares and regular cracks on houses due to ground vibrations caused by gas flares.
Interestingly, successive governments agree that the heat stress and acid rain from gas flaring degrade the ecosystem. And it was indeed for this realization deadlines were variously set to outlaw gas flaring. Unfortunately, not much success has been recorded in that area.
Instead, lacking in sufficient political will to enforce what is right, successive governments have repeatedly surrendered to the whims and antics of their multinational technical partners to review deadlines after deadlines. This is most unfortunate.
The Tide notes the huge waste of gas on account of the failure of oil prospection and production multi-nationals to embrace the gas re-injection technology required to utilize the wasted products for economic gains. Only recently, the Nigerian Gas Association (NGA) estimated that Nigeria has lost about $72 billion in revenues (about $2.5 billion annually) in the period between 1970 and 2006 alone.
Being the principal partner in the oil and gas production sector, the Nigerian government ought to appreciate not just the danger of gas flaring to the people and the environment, but indeed the avoidable wastage of flared gas. This is in spite of the fact that uses abound for the product in the country and even for export.
This is why The Tide calls on the Federal Government to consider the building of more Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) plants and petty gas tanks that can help address the colossal waste the country suffers in that respect.
Perhaps, now also is the time for government to summon the required political will needed to remind key oil and gas industry operators, that never again would Nigeria watch the systemic destruction of the ecosystem and endanger the health of her citizenry.
While we note efforts made by some mult-national concerns, particularly the Obiafor/Obrikom gas re-injection and recycling plant pioneered by Nigeria Agip Oil Company (NAOC), the Afam 6 power station, Okoloma Gas plant and the Gbaran Ubie Integrated Oil and Gas plant by Shell, we think that a lot still needs to be done.
Now therefore, is the time for the Federal Government to say to her recalcitrant multinational partners, ‘if not safe, don’t work’, and be prepared to de-licence such firms from being part of the production chain.
Editorial
Checkmating ‘One-Chance’ Menaces In PH
Editorial
That Oshiomhole’s Call On FG’s Road Projects
There are moments in the life of a legislature when plain speaking becomes a public service. Senator Adams Oshiomhole provided such a moment on the floor of the Senate when he accused the Minister of Works, Senator David Umahi, of manifestly neglecting critical federal arteries in Edo and Delta States, and implored his colleagues to prevail on the Minister to adopt a more equitable and genuinely national approach to road infrastructure delivery. It was blunt, it was uncomfortable, and it was necessary.
The specifics of his complaint deserve restating. Drawing attention to the recent approval of some 20 new road projects despite the parlous state of existing ones, the former Edo State governor lamented that Nigerians cannot travel from Benin to Warri, Benin to Asaba, Benin to Auchi, or Auchi to Okene without encountering severe distress. He alleged a deliberate omission of these corridors from the national budget in the last three years, save for palliative interventions directed by President Bola Tinubu through tax credit arrangements. His question — “What have we done wrong?” — resonates far beyond the chambers of the National Assembly.
We lend our full and unequivocal support to that call. The Auchi-Benin Road, for instance, has been in a deplorable and near-impassable condition for several years, turning what should be a two-hour journey into an all-day ordeal of broken axles, extortionate fares, and despondent commuters. The media have, on multiple occasions, chronicled the suffering of motorists, traders, and students who ply that route. To describe it as a federal road today is to stretch the meaning of the term beyond recognition.
This pattern of sidelining is not confined to Edo or Delta. Even here in Rivers State, the disposition of the Federal Ministry of Works has left much to be desired, particularly along the Eleme axis of the East-West Road. That road, which ought to be a flagship of federal presence in the Niger Delta, has remained in a wretched state for long. Those who use it daily — workers at the Eleme Petrochemical Complex, the two refineries, Onne Port, and the countless ancillary industries — can attest to its deterioration. Work has proceeded in fits and starts without the sustained urgency such a strategic road demands.
The Eleme stretch is not a mere intra-state byway. It is the gateway to the nation’s economic jugular. According to the Federal Ministry of Works and Housing’s 2023 Highway Condition Survey, only about 35 per cent of the country’s 36,000 kilometres of federal roads are rated as being in good or fair condition, with the remainder classified as poor or very poor. The East-West Road, conceived in the 1970s to bind the entire Niger Delta, remains unfinished in critical sections more than four decades after. If it had been treated as a priority, the perennial gridlock, carnage, and economic loss on the Eleme-Refinery junction would have long been consigned to history.
The irony is as painful as it is glaring. The Niger Delta remains the goose that lays the golden eggs. Data from the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative [NEITI 2023 Oil and Gas Audit] show that the region still accounts for over 78 per cent of Nigeria’s federally collected export earnings and about 65 per cent of total government revenue. The National Bureau of Statistics [NBS Foreign Trade Report Q4 2024] similarly confirms that crude oil continues to dominate export receipts. By every metric of equity and economic logic, a region that sustains the national purse deserves first-rate consideration in the allocation of infrastructure, not afterthoughts and tokenism.
Road infrastructure is not largesse to be dispensed by favour; it is the skeleton upon which commerce, cohesion, and citizenship hang. When contracts are concentrated in one geopolitical zone while other zones are left to contend with craters, it erodes trust in the federation itself. The World Bank’s Nigeria Development Update [June 2023] estimated that poor transport connectivity inflates the cost of moving goods by up to 40 per cent and costs the Nigerian economy an estimated $1.5 billion annually in lost man-hours and vehicle maintenance. If we profess to be one country, then equity must be the compass that guides key institutions before any project is executed. Development must spread round, not pool in one place as though other regions do not matter.
There is also a grave security dimension that can no longer be ignored. The deplorable condition of federal roads has become a veritable enabler of criminality. The NBS Crime Experience and Security Perception Survey reported over 2.5 million incidents of kidnapping-related occurrences nationally, with transport workers identifying bad road spots as prime ambush points. When vehicles are forced to crawl at 10 kilometres per hour through failed sections at Auchi, Sapele Road, or Eleme, they become sitting ducks for armed gangs. Fixing bad roads, therefore, is not merely about convenience; it is about safeguarding lives.
By his intervention, Senator Oshiomhole has hit the nail on the head and reminded Minister Umahi of a fundamental constitutional truth: public office is held in trust. The Ministry of Works is not a personal estate where contracts are awarded according to whim or political convenience. It is a national institution funded by the collective resources of Nigerians, including the oil and gas rents from the very communities whose roads are now neglected. The Minister must demonstrate balance, transparency, and a pan-Nigerian outlook in the distribution of projects that impact the daily existence of citizens. Selective neglect breeds suspicion, and suspicion is corrosive at a time when the nation is preaching unity, oneness, equity, and justice.
Consequently, the National Assembly must go beyond rhetoric and assert its oversight powers with vigour. Sections 88 and 89 of the 1999 Constitution [as amended] empower the legislature to investigate and expose any maladministration in the execution of federal projects. If an office holder is not acting rightly, it is the duty of the Senate and the House of Representatives to call him to order. Oversight must not be reduced to budget approval ceremonies; it must translate to field verification, public hearings, and insistence that the Federal Character principle, as enshrined in Section 14(3) of the Constitution, reflects in road awards.
Let the Auchi-Okene, Benin-Warri, Benin-Asaba, and Eleme East-West gangways be restored to motorable dignity. Let priority be given to completing existing, economically vital roads before embarking on new ones. If those who, through their resources, sustain the federation are sidelined in the distribution of tangible dividends, it tells poorly of our nationhood. Bad roads must be fixed, and they must be fixed now, with fairness as the guiding standard.
Editorial
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