Editorial
Recruitment: End Police, PSC Rift
Despite efforts to end the needless altercation between the Police Service Commission (PSC) and the Inspector-General of Police (IGP) in the interest of national security, the Nigeria Police leadership has again entangled itself in an unwarranted dispute with the PSC over the recruitment of new constables. This trend goes on while the country is under siege by criminals whose blood-curdling activities have overwhelmed the existing security architecture.
The current imbroglio originated from an advert on the recruitment of police constables for this year on the PSC portal and published in a national newspaper. The Nigeria Police Force (NPF) reacted and urged Nigerians to disregard the publicity. In a statement released last Monday, the Force Public Relations Officer, CSP Olumuyiwa Adejobi, said the advert had no connection with the police and was not in tandem with their recruitment process.
This crisis began in 2019 when the then IGP, Mohammed Adamu, reportedly ‘hijacked’ a recruitment exercise. The PSC promptly challenged it in court, demanding that it was the only agency constitutionally authorised to conduct recruitment into the force. Its roles include promotion, recruitment, and discipline of police officers, from constables to Deputy Inspector-General of Police. The commission ultimately won, as the Court of Appeal set aside a judgement of the Federal High Court, which originally had granted the mandate to the NPF.
Hinging its judgement on paragraph 30, part 1 of the Third Schedule to the 1999 Constitution, which states, “The Commission shall have power to (a) appoint persons to offices (other than the office of the Inspector-General of Police) in the Nigeria Police Force,” the Appeal Court upheld the PSC’s constitutional mandate to recruit police constables. Instructively, the authority of the commission to recruit is also enshrined in the amended Police Act 2020 signed into law by Buhari.
Notwithstanding the judgement, it is tragic that the IGP further seeks to waste public funds on appeal to the Supreme Court, apparently backed by the contentious Attorney General of the Federation, Abubakar Malami. Aside from Baba’s intransigence, the blame for the impasse lies entirely with President Muhammadu Buhari’s failure to intervene strongly and end the dispute. He should immediately order the police to step back and allow the PSC to carry out its lawful duties.
Also in 2019, the National Industrial Court (NIJ) denounced the recruitment list of constables released by the police, describing it as an act of Illegality. But the then IGP ignored the court order. His successor has continued to toe the same line as friction subsists at a period when we need a synergy of a positive mix of ideas between the IGP’s office and the PSC to tackle insecurity in the country.
By insisting – despite the provisions of the law, a presidential intervention, and a subsisting appellate court order – on directly handling the recruitment of 10,000 new constables, the Inspector-General of Police, Usman Alkali Baba, has effectively delayed the planned phased enrolment of new police officers to beef up a badly depleted force and meet rising security challenges.
Governance in Nigeria has reached new lows. The police recruitment saga captures this afresh. Across the country, citizens are being slaughtered, maimed, robbed, kidnapped and raped without let or hindrance. On the rampage are terrorists of different hues, armed robbers, mass murderers, criminal gangs and vandals. The farms, homes, schools, and highways are unsafe.
Even police officers, soldiers, and security sanctuaries are being attacked. The insecurity has compelled a painful awareness that the police are hopelessly undermanned and that the country’s single national police structure is inadequate. Buhari seeks to add 40,000 recruits to the Force in phases to meet the challenge. Alas, the insensate bickering between the IGP and the PSC has stalled the laudable programme.
Hopes that the recruitment would then proceed were dashed when Baba, rather than obey the judicial pronouncement which also restrained the police from interfering with the recruitment, allegedly chose to reassert control over the exercise. Buhari should wade in more decisively by removing all obstacles to hiring new constables and reprimanding Baba. The PSC too should stick strictly to its mandate under the law and seek closer cooperation with the police hierarchy.
The police typically are responsible for maintaining public order and safety, enforcing the law, and preventing, detecting, and investigating criminal activities. These functions make it difficult for the institution to whimsically disobey the law, as the IGP has done. Furthermore, this rivalry is not helped by the consistent appointment of retired IGPs to chair the PSC. The President should also investigate that convention that has become rather unhelpful.
While they squabble, the country bleeds. The unjustifiable homicide of four policemen on 12 February by armed men at a checkpoint in Enugu South Local Government Area, Enugu State, was reported. Just 48 hours before, three police officers and one customs officer had been killed in comparable assaults against two checkpoints in the state capital. Six people, consisting of four police officers, were murdered at some other checkpoint in July 2021 by “unknown gunmen.” Abductors and terrorists have made Nigeria unacceptably hazardous.
The PSC workers union had, some time ago, declared a three-day warning strike over the reported takeover of the recruitment of 10,000 constables by the Force Headquarters. It was a continuation of the power tussle that has for the past four years pitched the commission against the office of the IGP.
An earlier intervention by Buhari in the recruitment debacle did not solve the situation, normally due to his inattentiveness. At a meeting he held with the then IGP (Adamu) and the PSC Chairman, Musiliu Smith, in September 2019, Buhari had affirmed the commission’s authority. It is maddening that the police management maintains disdain for the President’s position on this matter without sanction. It displays his terrible leadership. Buhari should make certain a quick resolution of the quandary for the recruitment to proceed immediately.
The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.