Opinion
As Marwa Reinvents NDLEA…
About five weeks after assuming office, precisely on February 23, 2021, the Chairman and Chief Executive of the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA), Brigadier-General Mohammed Buba Marwa (rtd), paid a courtesy visit to the Rivers State Governor, Chief Nyesom Wike, at the Government House, Port Harcourt.
During the visit, Governor Wike was reported to have assured Marwa of his government’s readiness to work with the NDLEA to establish a drug rehabilitation centre in the state. According to him, if concerted efforts were made toward achieving a reduction in the level of illicit drug intake in society, there was the possibility that crime rate would reduce.
“It’s most unfortunate that people think that fighting crime is only when you fight bandits and kidnappers. But nobody wants to understand the root cause of most of these crimes,” Wike said.
The governor, while pointing out the need for every responsible government to readily support the agency in its fight against the illicit drugs menace in Nigeria, also thanked the NDLEA boss for making Rivers State his first port of call. And not only did he promise to collaborate on a rehab centre development in the state, it was also reported that Wike ordered an immediate release of three brand new Toyota Hilux vans to the anti-narcotics agency. This, he said, was to enhance the operational capacity of the state command of NDLEA.
Speaking earlier, Marwa was said to have referenced the report of a drug survey by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) which placed Rivers State at 14th position with 15 per cent prevalence rate in the country; whereas Lagos had 33 per cent.
After serving as military governor of Lagos State during the regime of late General Sani Abacha, Marwa had remained largely off the radar with regard to social and political events in the country. But what Nigerians are most likely to credit him with is that he governed Lagos with a human face, especially during those turbulent years of Abacha versus the radical pro-democracy group, NADECO; following the incarceration of Chief MKO Abiola, presumed winner of the annulled1993 presidential election.
Who will hurriedly forget those years when the then US Ambassador to Nigeria, Walter Carrington, registered a regular presence at NADECO’s rallies even if to serve as a mobile embassy for the group’s chieftains who always ran to draw from his diplomatic immunity when hounded by Abacha’s secret police. Rumours had it back then that Marwa often intervened to release those eventually whisked away by the police.
Recall that Marwa had, in a 1998 radio and television broadcast, announced that some unknown persons had been trying to assassinate him. He particularly mentioned how his convoy had been the target of many bomb attacks since 1996.
It was also during Marwa’s administration that the now popular commercial tricycle made its debut in Nigeria and was referred to as ‘Keke Marwa’. It is still so called in Lagos, notwithstanding the subsequent mass importation and distribution of the dinky vehicle by the defunct National Poverty Eradication Programme (NAPEP) from which it derived the name ‘Keke NAPEP’ elsewhere in the country.
With all due respect to its past chief executives, NDLEA had appeared to lose its initial vibrancy after the tenure of its first chairman, Mr Fulani Kwajafa. For decades, its narcotics seizures had hardly been of any significant sizes and street values. And this was even as peddlers and consumers of such drugs roamed our city streets undetected.
Under Marwa, the NDLEA’s almost daily exploits now form part of the major headlines on the nation’s news media. In fact, reports once had it that, less than two months after his arrival, officers and men of the agency confiscated over N60 billion worth of illicit drugs. These substances comprised mainly Cannabis sativa, methamphetamine, cocaine, tramadol and heroin. But how has the retired army general been able to turn things round for the nation’s obviously dispirited drug law enforcers?
A recent statement signed by the Agency’s Director of Media and Advocacy, Femi Babafemi, said that Marwa had always received constant support and encouragement from President Muhammadu Buhari. According to him, “the figures of our drug supply reduction activities have skyrocketed: 11,340 arrests and 1,111 convictions in 11 months. These figures are balanced by equally impressive drug demand reduction stats: 7,066 counselled and rehabilitated, all in our facilities. During the 11 months, we have successfully mopped up over 3.3 million kilogrammes of assorted drugs; away from the streets of Nigeria; away from criminals, terrorists and bandits; away from our youths…”
Another strategy being employed by the NDLEA boss is staff motivation. Earlier reports had said that a few days after he assumed duty, Marwa had promised to constitute a committee to look into cases of ranks stagnation, non-promotion and other demoralising issues bedeviling the Agency. Today, according to Babafemi’s release, ranks have been harmonised with the promotion of 3,506 officers and men, while a case is being advanced for a new salary structure to equate with similar agencies. The staff welfare scheme has been expanded to include functional insurance policy and burial entitlements to families of officers lost in the line of duty.
Also, the organisation has doubled its workforce under the present chief executive; including the institution of bimonthly performance awards. And this is in addition to a promise of building barracks for staff in the new year.
In furtherance of the Operation Offensive Action which he initiated on arrival, Marwa was recently reported to have led a team of his senior officers on an advocacy visit to the Chief of Defence Staff, Lt. General Lucky Irabor, and the other service chiefs at the Defence Headquarters, during which he solicited the military’s support.
“There is no doubt that illicit drugs fuel and enhance criminalities, hence the need for more collaboration; a partnership that is mutually beneficial because when the problem of drugs is taken out of the security challenge equation, the military will have less to do in tackling terrorism, banditry and kidnapping,” Marwa said.
By: Ibelema Jumbo
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
