Editorial
Positives From Anambra Election
At last, the much-awaited Anambra State 2021 gubernatorial election has been organised, won, and lost. A former Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) Governor, Professor Charles Soludo, of the ruling All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) was proclaimed the winner to pilot the affairs of the state for the next four years. The poll has been described as a litmus test for the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and the security agencies.
Before the conduct of the election, violent disturbances by the separatist Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) had placed the poll under a vast haze of ambiguity. In the end, traditional rulers, politicians, stakeholders, and well-meaning indigenes of the state intervened and reason triumphed, allowing the exercise to go ahead as scheduled.
Soludo attained at least the needed 25 per cent of the ballots cast in all the 21 local government areas and won 19 LGAs outrightly. He polled 112,229 votes and defeated 17 other contestants, including Valentine Ozigbo of the Peoples Democratic Party (53,807 votes), and Andy Uba of the All Progressives Congress (43,285 votes). With his victory, APGA has again retained Anambra as its stronghold out of the 36 states in Nigeria. Come next March, the former CBN governor will succeed Willie Obiano.
The puzzle about the poll dissipated at the last minute as IPOB’s declared sit-at-home over the trial of Nnamdi Kanu was called off. INEC showed its latest technology by presenting the Biometric Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) device. The BVAS is an advancement on the card reader that makes collation, automatic transmission of results, and thumbprinting easier. While it reduces ballot box snatching and rigging, it diminishes manual collation.
Of specific significance was the repudiation of financial inducement of N5,000 by Eunice Onuegbusi from Ukwulu in Dunukofia Local Government Area of the state, which earned her a cash reward of N1 million. In a viral video, Onuegbusi was seen rejecting N5,000 from a party agent in her polling unit during the election. We applaud her for turning down the offer to sell her vote to mercantile politicians who understand politics strictly from the vantage point of commerce. Onuegbusi’s patriotic action is droolworthy.
However, poor coordination, vote-buying, INEC’s administrative challenges, over-militarisation, pre-election litigation and counter-lawsuits, violence, and low voter turnout characterised the ballot, demonstrating that Nigeria nevertheless has a long way to go for elections in the country to secure the least global democratic norms.
The BVAS device, brought in to expedite the accreditation and voting process, led to delays in a few areas by its failure to operate accurately. Besides being tedious in substantiating the fingerprints of voters, it outrightly failed to perform occasionally, compelling Soludo, Ozigbo, and the Minister of Labour and Employment, Chris Ngige, among others, to encounter hesitations before they could vote.
Furthermore, a coalescence of logistics and administrative interruptions made voting start hours behind schedule, hence, discomfiting voters. INEC first introduced the smart card reader in the 2015 general election for accreditation, but it invariably failed while they did little or nothing to enhance it. By now, the electoral adjudicator should have carried out considerable enhancements in conducting elections with technology.
Although there are over 2.4 million registered voters in Anambra State, only 253,388, representing 9.73 per cent, were certified to vote. It is severely low. It speaks to the overwhelming voter apathy in Nigeria, which has produced a travesty of several polls in the country. Both the Centre for Democratic Development (CDD) and Yiaga Africa had predicted low voters’ attendance in last Saturday’s election.
A similar projection was made after a survey by SBM Intelligence, a geo-political research organisation. The study disclosed that over 60 per cent of registered voters had chosen not to engage in the election. Reasons offered by some respondents include insecurity and absence of faith in the elective procedure. Findings, however, indicate that Anambra State has a record of low voter turnout for its governorship elections.
Since 1999, governorship elections in the state have never witnessed up to 50 per cent of voter turnout except in the 2007 election, which was characterised by allegations of massive rigging. Of the 1.84 million registered voters in the state in 2010, only 302,000 turned out to vote on election day. This translated to about 16 per cent of voters.
In 2013, only 465,891 of the total 1,770,127 registered voters went out to vote on election day, translating into about 25 per cent. And in the 2017 election, fewer than a quarter of the comprehensive figure of registered voters participated in the poll. The electoral umpire had revealed of the 2,064,134 residents certified as qualified voters for the election, only 457,511, about 22.16 per cent, literally came out on election day to be accredited. This is an expression of a loss of confidence in the electoral process of the country.
However, since the National Assembly has authorised electronic transmission of results in elections, there is hope provided INEC makes significant improvements to BVAS or any other apparatus it may determine to use. The electoral umpire should employ the 2022 governorship elections in Ekiti and Osun States to upgrade their equipment before the next general election in 2023.
On the whole, the just-concluded Anambra governorship election was a game-changer and an improvement in past elections, despite the challenges seen in the build-up and during the exercise. The big consolation was that the worst that was expected did not happen. Anambra did not become a killing field. The political parties and the politicians did not engage in bloodshed. Very few incidents of intimidation, violence and ballot snatching were recorded. Kudos to INEC, security agencies and the people of Anambra!
Editorial
That Oshiomhole’s Call On FG’s Road Projects
There are moments in the life of a legislature when plain speaking becomes a public service. Senator Adams Oshiomhole provided such a moment on the floor of the Senate when he accused the Minister of Works, Senator David Umahi, of manifestly neglecting critical federal arteries in Edo and Delta States, and implored his colleagues to prevail on the Minister to adopt a more equitable and genuinely national approach to road infrastructure delivery. It was blunt, it was uncomfortable, and it was necessary.
The specifics of his complaint deserve restating. Drawing attention to the recent approval of some 20 new road projects despite the parlous state of existing ones, the former Edo State governor lamented that Nigerians cannot travel from Benin to Warri, Benin to Asaba, Benin to Auchi, or Auchi to Okene without encountering severe distress. He alleged a deliberate omission of these corridors from the national budget in the last three years, save for palliative interventions directed by President Bola Tinubu through tax credit arrangements. His question — “What have we done wrong?” — resonates far beyond the chambers of the National Assembly.
We lend our full and unequivocal support to that call. The Auchi-Benin Road, for instance, has been in a deplorable and near-impassable condition for several years, turning what should be a two-hour journey into an all-day ordeal of broken axles, extortionate fares, and despondent commuters. The media have, on multiple occasions, chronicled the suffering of motorists, traders, and students who ply that route. To describe it as a federal road today is to stretch the meaning of the term beyond recognition.
This pattern of sidelining is not confined to Edo or Delta. Even here in Rivers State, the disposition of the Federal Ministry of Works has left much to be desired, particularly along the Eleme axis of the East-West Road. That road, which ought to be a flagship of federal presence in the Niger Delta, has remained in a wretched state for long. Those who use it daily — workers at the Eleme Petrochemical Complex, the two refineries, Onne Port, and the countless ancillary industries — can attest to its deterioration. Work has proceeded in fits and starts without the sustained urgency such a strategic road demands.
The Eleme stretch is not a mere intra-state byway. It is the gateway to the nation’s economic jugular. According to the Federal Ministry of Works and Housing’s 2023 Highway Condition Survey, only about 35 per cent of the country’s 36,000 kilometres of federal roads are rated as being in good or fair condition, with the remainder classified as poor or very poor. The East-West Road, conceived in the 1970s to bind the entire Niger Delta, remains unfinished in critical sections more than four decades after. If it had been treated as a priority, the perennial gridlock, carnage, and economic loss on the Eleme-Refinery junction would have long been consigned to history.
The irony is as painful as it is glaring. The Niger Delta remains the goose that lays the golden eggs. Data from the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative [NEITI 2023 Oil and Gas Audit] show that the region still accounts for over 78 per cent of Nigeria’s federally collected export earnings and about 65 per cent of total government revenue. The National Bureau of Statistics [NBS Foreign Trade Report Q4 2024] similarly confirms that crude oil continues to dominate export receipts. By every metric of equity and economic logic, a region that sustains the national purse deserves first-rate consideration in the allocation of infrastructure, not afterthoughts and tokenism.
Road infrastructure is not largesse to be dispensed by favour; it is the skeleton upon which commerce, cohesion, and citizenship hang. When contracts are concentrated in one geopolitical zone while other zones are left to contend with craters, it erodes trust in the federation itself. The World Bank’s Nigeria Development Update [June 2023] estimated that poor transport connectivity inflates the cost of moving goods by up to 40 per cent and costs the Nigerian economy an estimated $1.5 billion annually in lost man-hours and vehicle maintenance. If we profess to be one country, then equity must be the compass that guides key institutions before any project is executed. Development must spread round, not pool in one place as though other regions do not matter.
There is also a grave security dimension that can no longer be ignored. The deplorable condition of federal roads has become a veritable enabler of criminality. The NBS Crime Experience and Security Perception Survey reported over 2.5 million incidents of kidnapping-related occurrences nationally, with transport workers identifying bad road spots as prime ambush points. When vehicles are forced to crawl at 10 kilometres per hour through failed sections at Auchi, Sapele Road, or Eleme, they become sitting ducks for armed gangs. Fixing bad roads, therefore, is not merely about convenience; it is about safeguarding lives.
By his intervention, Senator Oshiomhole has hit the nail on the head and reminded Minister Umahi of a fundamental constitutional truth: public office is held in trust. The Ministry of Works is not a personal estate where contracts are awarded according to whim or political convenience. It is a national institution funded by the collective resources of Nigerians, including the oil and gas rents from the very communities whose roads are now neglected. The Minister must demonstrate balance, transparency, and a pan-Nigerian outlook in the distribution of projects that impact the daily existence of citizens. Selective neglect breeds suspicion, and suspicion is corrosive at a time when the nation is preaching unity, oneness, equity, and justice.
Consequently, the National Assembly must go beyond rhetoric and assert its oversight powers with vigour. Sections 88 and 89 of the 1999 Constitution [as amended] empower the legislature to investigate and expose any maladministration in the execution of federal projects. If an office holder is not acting rightly, it is the duty of the Senate and the House of Representatives to call him to order. Oversight must not be reduced to budget approval ceremonies; it must translate to field verification, public hearings, and insistence that the Federal Character principle, as enshrined in Section 14(3) of the Constitution, reflects in road awards.
Let the Auchi-Okene, Benin-Warri, Benin-Asaba, and Eleme East-West gangways be restored to motorable dignity. Let priority be given to completing existing, economically vital roads before embarking on new ones. If those who, through their resources, sustain the federation are sidelined in the distribution of tangible dividends, it tells poorly of our nationhood. Bad roads must be fixed, and they must be fixed now, with fairness as the guiding standard.
Editorial
Making Rivers’ 2026 Budget Count
Editorial
Improving Surveillance in Rivers’ Boundary Communities
-
Editorial3 days agoThat Oshiomhole’s Call On FG’s Road Projects
-
Education3 days ago
Environmental Education Remains Critical Tool To Address Environmental Challenges Says Experts
-
Education3 days ago
UNIPORT VC Receives Probe Report on Student Union Crisis
-
City Crime3 days agoTinubu Appoints Ex-Tide Staff Registrar Of Chartered Chemists
-
Sports3 days agoRivers-born Chess Player Clinches Third Position At World Amateur Rapid Chess Championship
-
News4 days ago
RIFF 2026: RIFF Takes Film Tourism To Bonny Island
-
Oil & Energy3 days ago
NCDMB, BOI Unveil $100m Nigerian Content Equity Fund …Set To Invest $5m In Oil Firms
-
Business3 days ago
PTDF Committed To Tinubu’s Development Plan – CEO
