Editorial
INEC And Underage Voters
Only short-circuited and myopic individuals, or perhaps some imperceptible segments of the Nigerian populace will dispute the fact that the electorate have once again been roiling in pre-election trauma.
As if it has been ordained by some powerful forces – certainly not of God that Nigeria must always tread the dangerous alley at moments of great national decision in the public interest, the nation is once again confronted with an hydra-headed monster among its several electoral nightmares: underage voting.
At the centre of this strange, or rather sad state of affairs, is the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) which ought to be truly independent, neutral and objective rather than being a tool of self-perpetuating politics.
Just like the 2015 scenario in which underage voters freely voted in the controversial general elections in Kano, penultimate Saturday’s local government polls in that State where minors gleefully exercised unrestricted franchise in full public glare, has stripped INEC of its last shred of credibility. This is even as the electoral umpire is yet to clear itself of accusations that it was conniving with politicians from a particular section of the country to deny eligible voters registration, as well as sending few and non-functional registration machines to attend to intending voters who besiege registration centres on a daily basis.
The photographs of some underage persons who reportedly participated in the Kano local government polls and the constraints experienced by many prospective electorate to get their permanent voter cards (PVCs) in the South have given the impression that the PVC collection exercise is skewed in favour of the North.
Not surprisingly, several knocks on this matter have been received by INEC which has consistently denied complicity in the Kano underage voting saga. Admitting giving the Kano State Independent Electoral Commission a copy of the voter’s register used in the election marred by underage voting, INEC cited Section 12 (1) of the Electoral Act, insisting that it had no hand in the conduct of the polls.
Reacting swiftly, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), like the ever-growing traffic of critics of its handling of election matters, passed a vote of no confidence on INEC, requesting the immediate resignation of its boss, Prof. Mahmood Yakubu.
Citing the utter breach of constitutional and electoral provisions by allowing underage persons to vote or be accommodated in the voters’ register, the PDP, in a statement by its National Publicity Security, Kola Ologbondiyan, also called for the speedy review of the voters’ register with a view to expunging the names of all underage persons before the 2019 general elections.
The PDP listed Kano and Katsina States as having the highest record of underage voters and charged INEC to investigate the voters register in these and other states with a view to sanctifying the register before 2019.
Dismissing reasons adduced by INEC’s Director of Publicity and Voter Education, Mr Oluwale Osaze-Izzi that its officials were threatened by members of communities in the affected States to register minors during the registration exercise, the PDP insists that representatives of political parties, the media, security agencies and non-governmental organisations must be part of the review of the register to ensure its credibility and sanctity.
The Tide aligns with the PDP’s position on the matter, especially against the backdrop of the fact that the eight-man in-house committee on the allegations, recently constituted by INEC Chairman excluded Katsina State from the probe, in spite of strong evidence of underage voting, probably because it is the home state of President Muhammadu Buhari.
Allowing minors to vote in the full glare of INEC officials and security personnel in those states, is not only a misnomer, but a flagrant breach of the electoral law.
It is true and imperative that INEC, as many have repeatedly said, urgently requires some veritable democratic purgative to rid it of its several inherent toxins. However, it must first embark on soul-searching and self-cleansing if we must consolidate on the advances in our democratic sojourn and expand the frontiers of good governance.
The earlier INEC does so, the better for all Nigerians as we march towards 2019 general elections.
Editorial
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Editorial
That Oshiomhole’s Call On FG’s Road Projects
There are moments in the life of a legislature when plain speaking becomes a public service. Senator Adams Oshiomhole provided such a moment on the floor of the Senate when he accused the Minister of Works, Senator David Umahi, of manifestly neglecting critical federal arteries in Edo and Delta States, and implored his colleagues to prevail on the Minister to adopt a more equitable and genuinely national approach to road infrastructure delivery. It was blunt, it was uncomfortable, and it was necessary.
The specifics of his complaint deserve restating. Drawing attention to the recent approval of some 20 new road projects despite the parlous state of existing ones, the former Edo State governor lamented that Nigerians cannot travel from Benin to Warri, Benin to Asaba, Benin to Auchi, or Auchi to Okene without encountering severe distress. He alleged a deliberate omission of these corridors from the national budget in the last three years, save for palliative interventions directed by President Bola Tinubu through tax credit arrangements. His question — “What have we done wrong?” — resonates far beyond the chambers of the National Assembly.
We lend our full and unequivocal support to that call. The Auchi-Benin Road, for instance, has been in a deplorable and near-impassable condition for several years, turning what should be a two-hour journey into an all-day ordeal of broken axles, extortionate fares, and despondent commuters. The media have, on multiple occasions, chronicled the suffering of motorists, traders, and students who ply that route. To describe it as a federal road today is to stretch the meaning of the term beyond recognition.
This pattern of sidelining is not confined to Edo or Delta. Even here in Rivers State, the disposition of the Federal Ministry of Works has left much to be desired, particularly along the Eleme axis of the East-West Road. That road, which ought to be a flagship of federal presence in the Niger Delta, has remained in a wretched state for long. Those who use it daily — workers at the Eleme Petrochemical Complex, the two refineries, Onne Port, and the countless ancillary industries — can attest to its deterioration. Work has proceeded in fits and starts without the sustained urgency such a strategic road demands.
The Eleme stretch is not a mere intra-state byway. It is the gateway to the nation’s economic jugular. According to the Federal Ministry of Works and Housing’s 2023 Highway Condition Survey, only about 35 per cent of the country’s 36,000 kilometres of federal roads are rated as being in good or fair condition, with the remainder classified as poor or very poor. The East-West Road, conceived in the 1970s to bind the entire Niger Delta, remains unfinished in critical sections more than four decades after. If it had been treated as a priority, the perennial gridlock, carnage, and economic loss on the Eleme-Refinery junction would have long been consigned to history.
The irony is as painful as it is glaring. The Niger Delta remains the goose that lays the golden eggs. Data from the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative [NEITI 2023 Oil and Gas Audit] show that the region still accounts for over 78 per cent of Nigeria’s federally collected export earnings and about 65 per cent of total government revenue. The National Bureau of Statistics [NBS Foreign Trade Report Q4 2024] similarly confirms that crude oil continues to dominate export receipts. By every metric of equity and economic logic, a region that sustains the national purse deserves first-rate consideration in the allocation of infrastructure, not afterthoughts and tokenism.
Road infrastructure is not largesse to be dispensed by favour; it is the skeleton upon which commerce, cohesion, and citizenship hang. When contracts are concentrated in one geopolitical zone while other zones are left to contend with craters, it erodes trust in the federation itself. The World Bank’s Nigeria Development Update [June 2023] estimated that poor transport connectivity inflates the cost of moving goods by up to 40 per cent and costs the Nigerian economy an estimated $1.5 billion annually in lost man-hours and vehicle maintenance. If we profess to be one country, then equity must be the compass that guides key institutions before any project is executed. Development must spread round, not pool in one place as though other regions do not matter.
There is also a grave security dimension that can no longer be ignored. The deplorable condition of federal roads has become a veritable enabler of criminality. The NBS Crime Experience and Security Perception Survey reported over 2.5 million incidents of kidnapping-related occurrences nationally, with transport workers identifying bad road spots as prime ambush points. When vehicles are forced to crawl at 10 kilometres per hour through failed sections at Auchi, Sapele Road, or Eleme, they become sitting ducks for armed gangs. Fixing bad roads, therefore, is not merely about convenience; it is about safeguarding lives.
By his intervention, Senator Oshiomhole has hit the nail on the head and reminded Minister Umahi of a fundamental constitutional truth: public office is held in trust. The Ministry of Works is not a personal estate where contracts are awarded according to whim or political convenience. It is a national institution funded by the collective resources of Nigerians, including the oil and gas rents from the very communities whose roads are now neglected. The Minister must demonstrate balance, transparency, and a pan-Nigerian outlook in the distribution of projects that impact the daily existence of citizens. Selective neglect breeds suspicion, and suspicion is corrosive at a time when the nation is preaching unity, oneness, equity, and justice.
Consequently, the National Assembly must go beyond rhetoric and assert its oversight powers with vigour. Sections 88 and 89 of the 1999 Constitution [as amended] empower the legislature to investigate and expose any maladministration in the execution of federal projects. If an office holder is not acting rightly, it is the duty of the Senate and the House of Representatives to call him to order. Oversight must not be reduced to budget approval ceremonies; it must translate to field verification, public hearings, and insistence that the Federal Character principle, as enshrined in Section 14(3) of the Constitution, reflects in road awards.
Let the Auchi-Okene, Benin-Warri, Benin-Asaba, and Eleme East-West gangways be restored to motorable dignity. Let priority be given to completing existing, economically vital roads before embarking on new ones. If those who, through their resources, sustain the federation are sidelined in the distribution of tangible dividends, it tells poorly of our nationhood. Bad roads must be fixed, and they must be fixed now, with fairness as the guiding standard.
Editorial
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