Editorial
Tackling Weapons Proliferation In Nigeria
On September 26, 2023, the United Nations General Assembly hosted a special event to observe the yearly
International Day for the Complete Elimination of Nuclear Weapons. That year marked the eleventh anniversary of the approval of Resolution 68/32, which was made in December 2013, creating this observance to raise awareness about the dangers nuclear weapons pose to humanity and the need for their total eradication.
Over a decade after the resolution was adopted, the goal of a world, free of nuclear weapons remains unachieved. Even countries such as Costa Rica have repeatedly warned of a new arms race with advanced and dangerous weapons, while states like Kazakhstan, Trinidad and Tobago, and the Holy See have cautioned of unpredictable global consequences. The number of nuclear warheads is increasing, and many delegates condemn the resurgence of nuclear rhetoric and threats. Only recently, Sri Lanka and Mexico noted that 2023 was the closest the world has ever been to nuclear war. And the threats continue to loom, even today.
Indeed, weapons of mass destruction, particularly nuclear ones, pose a serious threat to humanity due to their destructive power. The excessive accumulation of conventional weapons and illicit trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW) threaten international peace, security, and sustainable development. Explosive weapons in populated areas endanger civilians. And emerging weapon technologies pose a challenge to global security.
On March 5, yesterday the International Day for Disarmament and Non-Proliferation Awareness was observed to help increase the global public’s understanding of how disarmament efforts can contribute to promoting peace and security, preventing and resolving armed conflicts, and reducing human suffering caused by weapons. The day serves as a reminder of the need for working towards, a world free of weapons and violence.
This second International Day for Disarmament and Non-Proliferation Awareness was taking place during a critical time, with increasing military expenditures, escalating geopolitical rivalries, and a rise in violent conflicts worldwide. It is worrisome to see some leaders resorting to apocalyptic language when discussing the potential use of nuclear weapons. It is essential, more than ever, to promote peace, dialogue, and cooperation to prevent the catastrophic consequences of nuclear proliferation.
Yesterday’s event served as a reminder that disarmament and non-proliferation are imperative not just for a peaceful future, but for our very survival. Global leaders must prioritise peace by enhancing the mechanisms and strategies that deter the spread and utilisation of destructive weapons, such as the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, and by formulating disarmament resolutions.
There is a pressing need for a renewed effort to combat the mushrooming and trafficking of small arms in Africa. The spread of small arms in West Africa, in particular, is rapidly transforming the region into a key hub for illegal drug trafficking, which in turn is fueling the rise of criminal organisations that possess enough weaponry to pose a threat to national security forces.
It is necessary to increase efforts to fulfil the objective of preventing, fighting against, and eliminating the illegal trade of SALW, as well as regulating the transfer of conventional weapons. The UN should completely execute the 2001 United Nations Programme of Action on Small and Light Weapons, which encourages international cooperation to enhance the capability of states in identifying and tracking illicit arms and light weapons.
Studies indicate that there are over a billion small arms circulating worldwide, with 87.5 per cent of these weapons owned by civilians. The Small Arms Survey of 2018 revealed that there were more than 40,009,000 small arms in the possession of civilians in different African countries. In Nigeria, the widespread availability of small arms and ammunition in various regions has led to increased levels of violence, kidnappings, robberies, mass killings, and socio-economic disruptions in society.
Nigeria is encountering a dangerous issue with the illegal possession of military-grade arsenals by criminals and non-state actors. This build-up of arms has reached an epidemic level, posing national security risks. Efforts by the executive, legislature, and security agencies have made some gains, but they have not been enough to reduce or eradicate the multiplication of SALW in the country.
Illicit SALW are a global concern, especially in Nigeria. These are weapons that are not controlled by a state or non-state entity and are often used in criminal activities or conflicts. The escalation of SALW has led to violence, crime, and insecurity in various parts of the country. SALW circulation has been reported in regions impacted by conflicts, such as the Niger Delta, North East affected by Boko Haram insurgency, and North-West which is presently terrorised by bandits, just as the North-Central has been made a theatre of the absurd by killer-herdsmen.
It is no longer debatable that illegal weapons often end up in the hands of criminal groups and non-state actors, causing instability and posing a threat to national and regional security. With access to these armament, rogue elements become more aggressive and less receptive to peace negotiations. The situation where these swindler elements have more sophisticated weapons than security agents exposes them to harm, weakening their ability to protect the populace, and help government realise one of its cardinal objectives: protection of lives and property of law-abiding citizens.
Unfortunately, Nigeria has the highest number of civilian SALW in any African country, according to the Small Arms Survey. In 2020, the nation had an estimated 6.2 million arms, with 3.21 per 100 persons possessing firearms. The survey also found that Nigeria has more Improvised Explosive Devices (IEDs) than any country in Sub-Saharan Africa. This alarming situation highlights the need for increased security measures in the country.
Therefore, government at all levels should collaborate with civil societies and other interested local and international agencies to effectively decrease the risk of amplification of SALW by confiscating and destroying these weapons. It is mandatory to raise awareness, particularly among children and youths, about the hazards of illicit SALW through a strong and well-coordinated campaign, education, outreach, engagement and representation.
This troubling discovery is not a good sign for Nigeria, particularly in this critical era when the country is facing serious economic and security issues in nearly all regions. The authorities must act to address the illicit intensification of SALW and work towards resolving the nation’s security challenges. The government needs to assert its authority in the use of coercive measures and encourage non-state actors to refrain from attempting to control any part of the Nigerian state. It is time to step up and tackle these issues head-on.
Editorial
That Oshiomhole’s Call On FG’s Road Projects
There are moments in the life of a legislature when plain speaking becomes a public service. Senator Adams Oshiomhole provided such a moment on the floor of the Senate when he accused the Minister of Works, Senator David Umahi, of manifestly neglecting critical federal arteries in Edo and Delta States, and implored his colleagues to prevail on the Minister to adopt a more equitable and genuinely national approach to road infrastructure delivery. It was blunt, it was uncomfortable, and it was necessary.
The specifics of his complaint deserve restating. Drawing attention to the recent approval of some 20 new road projects despite the parlous state of existing ones, the former Edo State governor lamented that Nigerians cannot travel from Benin to Warri, Benin to Asaba, Benin to Auchi, or Auchi to Okene without encountering severe distress. He alleged a deliberate omission of these corridors from the national budget in the last three years, save for palliative interventions directed by President Bola Tinubu through tax credit arrangements. His question — “What have we done wrong?” — resonates far beyond the chambers of the National Assembly.
We lend our full and unequivocal support to that call. The Auchi-Benin Road, for instance, has been in a deplorable and near-impassable condition for several years, turning what should be a two-hour journey into an all-day ordeal of broken axles, extortionate fares, and despondent commuters. The media have, on multiple occasions, chronicled the suffering of motorists, traders, and students who ply that route. To describe it as a federal road today is to stretch the meaning of the term beyond recognition.
This pattern of sidelining is not confined to Edo or Delta. Even here in Rivers State, the disposition of the Federal Ministry of Works has left much to be desired, particularly along the Eleme axis of the East-West Road. That road, which ought to be a flagship of federal presence in the Niger Delta, has remained in a wretched state for long. Those who use it daily — workers at the Eleme Petrochemical Complex, the two refineries, Onne Port, and the countless ancillary industries — can attest to its deterioration. Work has proceeded in fits and starts without the sustained urgency such a strategic road demands.
The Eleme stretch is not a mere intra-state byway. It is the gateway to the nation’s economic jugular. According to the Federal Ministry of Works and Housing’s 2023 Highway Condition Survey, only about 35 per cent of the country’s 36,000 kilometres of federal roads are rated as being in good or fair condition, with the remainder classified as poor or very poor. The East-West Road, conceived in the 1970s to bind the entire Niger Delta, remains unfinished in critical sections more than four decades after. If it had been treated as a priority, the perennial gridlock, carnage, and economic loss on the Eleme-Refinery junction would have long been consigned to history.
The irony is as painful as it is glaring. The Niger Delta remains the goose that lays the golden eggs. Data from the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative [NEITI 2023 Oil and Gas Audit] show that the region still accounts for over 78 per cent of Nigeria’s federally collected export earnings and about 65 per cent of total government revenue. The National Bureau of Statistics [NBS Foreign Trade Report Q4 2024] similarly confirms that crude oil continues to dominate export receipts. By every metric of equity and economic logic, a region that sustains the national purse deserves first-rate consideration in the allocation of infrastructure, not afterthoughts and tokenism.
Road infrastructure is not largesse to be dispensed by favour; it is the skeleton upon which commerce, cohesion, and citizenship hang. When contracts are concentrated in one geopolitical zone while other zones are left to contend with craters, it erodes trust in the federation itself. The World Bank’s Nigeria Development Update [June 2023] estimated that poor transport connectivity inflates the cost of moving goods by up to 40 per cent and costs the Nigerian economy an estimated $1.5 billion annually in lost man-hours and vehicle maintenance. If we profess to be one country, then equity must be the compass that guides key institutions before any project is executed. Development must spread round, not pool in one place as though other regions do not matter.
There is also a grave security dimension that can no longer be ignored. The deplorable condition of federal roads has become a veritable enabler of criminality. The NBS Crime Experience and Security Perception Survey reported over 2.5 million incidents of kidnapping-related occurrences nationally, with transport workers identifying bad road spots as prime ambush points. When vehicles are forced to crawl at 10 kilometres per hour through failed sections at Auchi, Sapele Road, or Eleme, they become sitting ducks for armed gangs. Fixing bad roads, therefore, is not merely about convenience; it is about safeguarding lives.
By his intervention, Senator Oshiomhole has hit the nail on the head and reminded Minister Umahi of a fundamental constitutional truth: public office is held in trust. The Ministry of Works is not a personal estate where contracts are awarded according to whim or political convenience. It is a national institution funded by the collective resources of Nigerians, including the oil and gas rents from the very communities whose roads are now neglected. The Minister must demonstrate balance, transparency, and a pan-Nigerian outlook in the distribution of projects that impact the daily existence of citizens. Selective neglect breeds suspicion, and suspicion is corrosive at a time when the nation is preaching unity, oneness, equity, and justice.
Consequently, the National Assembly must go beyond rhetoric and assert its oversight powers with vigour. Sections 88 and 89 of the 1999 Constitution [as amended] empower the legislature to investigate and expose any maladministration in the execution of federal projects. If an office holder is not acting rightly, it is the duty of the Senate and the House of Representatives to call him to order. Oversight must not be reduced to budget approval ceremonies; it must translate to field verification, public hearings, and insistence that the Federal Character principle, as enshrined in Section 14(3) of the Constitution, reflects in road awards.
Let the Auchi-Okene, Benin-Warri, Benin-Asaba, and Eleme East-West gangways be restored to motorable dignity. Let priority be given to completing existing, economically vital roads before embarking on new ones. If those who, through their resources, sustain the federation are sidelined in the distribution of tangible dividends, it tells poorly of our nationhood. Bad roads must be fixed, and they must be fixed now, with fairness as the guiding standard.
Editorial
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