Editorial
Tackling The Rot In NCoS
A recent disclosure that more than 3,418 inmates are currently on death row in correctional centres across Nigeria is a cause for alarm. The spokesman for the Nigerian Correctional Service (NCoS), Mr. Abubakar Umar, released this shocking revelation, adding that the total inmate population as of December 18, 2023, stood at 77,849. The stark gender disparity is also worth noting: 76,081 males and 1,768 females. The penal system also appears to be highly saturated with Awaiting Trial Inmates (ATIs) numbering 53,836.
The figures in question call for a need to critically examine and challenge the existing penal policy in Nigeria, especially regarding the death penalty. The state of a nation’s prisons often provides an unadulterated reflection of its society. Critics may argue that it is unequivocally wrong to judge a country by its prisons, citing that this may not paint an accurate picture of national values and development.
However, taking Nigeria as an example, we can convincingly counter such an argument. Judged by the parlous state of its prisons, Nigeria is perceived as a nascent and underdeveloped country with the perpetration of a facsimile of progress. Life in Nigerian prisons can be profoundly challenging. Unlike in some other countries, where prisons aim to rehabilitate offenders, Nigerian prisons often fail to achieve this goal. Instead, inmates are more likely to be influenced by criminal behaviour during their time behind bars, increasing the chances of recidivism after their release.
According to a report published by the Daily Mail of London in 2009, the conditions in Nigerian jails were deemed to be extremely harsh. As a result, Britain made an offer to construct a more humane prison facility in Nigeria, to accommodate approximately 400 Nigerian convicts who had committed crimes within the United Kingdom. This proposal was motivated by the understanding that prisoners facing deportation from the UK could potentially resist being sent back to Nigeria by claiming violations of their human rights.
In Germany, it has been reported that incarcerated individuals experience a certain degree of freedom of movement within their facilities, and are entrusted with the responsibility to make wise choices regarding how they utilise their time. Occasionally, they are granted the opportunity to temporarily leave the prison premises, either for a few hours or overnight, to visit loved ones. However, the situation in Nigeria markedly differs, as the inmates often emerge from their confinement hardly reformed. Upon completing their prison sentences, they appear more dehumanised than dignified.
The revelation of the presence of 3,418 prisoners awaiting execution in correctional facilities throughout Nigeria is disconcerting. This statistic indicates a disregard for the inherent worth of human dignity, and highlights systemic dysfunction within the criminal justice system. Following the conviction and imposition of death penalties, the state governors, who bear the duty to authorise death warrants, must cease evading their constitutional obligation, and instead, aid in alleviating the overcrowding in custodial centres.
Typically, the task is challenging. In contrast to autocracies, leaders in numerous democracies exhibit hesitancy towards implementing the death penalty. Debates regarding its ethical nature, efficacy, and equity are prevalent globally. Amnesty International reports that 112 countries have abolished the death penalty either legally or in practice. On the other hand, 55 countries, such as Nigeria, maintain the death penalty for severe crimes in their legal codes.
Unfortunately, state governors find themselves in a state of conflict because of the decisions they have to make. However, the choice they need to make is evident. Like the president, governors are empowered by the Constitution to exercise their discretion in matters of mercy. This includes the ability to reduce death sentences to imprisonment, release individuals who are on death row, or grant them full pardon. On the other hand, they also have the option to approve the death warrants, particularly those who have exhausted all avenues for appeal and have had their sentences confirmed by the Supreme Court.
A joint effort by the federal legislature and the executive branch to revamp Nigeria’s inadequate prisons appears to be in danger of failing. The proposal to restructure the prisons became tangible when former President Muhammadu Buhari approved the Nigerian Correctional Service Bill. The bill, which had been neglected by the National Assembly for several years before its passage, altered the previous name of the Nigerian Prisons Service to the Nigerian Correctional Service. However, certain aspects of the new law are already falling behind the rapidly changing circumstances in society.
Thus far, the alteration of the name is merely superficial, as the prisons have not yet experienced any critical transformation. For many years, these facilities have been unsightly, completely contradicting their initial purpose. Following inadequate funding, deplorable nourishment, and a lack of expansion efforts, overcrowding has become an unfortunately well-known issue. In Lagos, the five federal prisons, originally designed to house 4,087 inmates, currently hold 9,044 inmates as of March, a predicament shared by all other prisons in the nation.
A profound paradigm shift occurred with the last constitutional amendment in Nigeria, eliciting an extraordinary transformation in the landscape of the nation’s correctional system. This shift lies in the devolution of prison ownership and management, transferring the power from the Federal Government to the States. While this may seem a logistical or even a trifle bureaucratic change to an uninformed observer, those knowledgeable about Nigeria’s prison system understand its potential impact on a long-standing problem: prison congestion.
Governors should utilise the excellent opportunity to experiment with various models of correctional facilities.
President Bola Tinubu, and Interior Minister, Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo, should prioritise the issue of prison decongestion. It is important to note that despite previous promises made by officials, little progress has been achieved. Tunji-Ojo’s recent commitment to releasing 4,000 inmates is a positive step forward.
It is, indeed, crucial to reactivate the mercy machinery and conduct thorough reviews to assess options for clemency, such as reducing sentences. The huge population of awaiting trial prisoners is a disgrace, and state governors and state chief judges must approach this task with resolve and seriousness. It clearly paints a picture of a failed justice administration system, which must be immediately addressed from the law enforcement agencies, especially police, to the judicial officers. A situation where almost 70percent of the inmate population are ATIs is unacceptable. The time to act is now!
Editorial
Checkmating ‘One-Chance’ Menaces In PH
Editorial
That Oshiomhole’s Call On FG’s Road Projects
There are moments in the life of a legislature when plain speaking becomes a public service. Senator Adams Oshiomhole provided such a moment on the floor of the Senate when he accused the Minister of Works, Senator David Umahi, of manifestly neglecting critical federal arteries in Edo and Delta States, and implored his colleagues to prevail on the Minister to adopt a more equitable and genuinely national approach to road infrastructure delivery. It was blunt, it was uncomfortable, and it was necessary.
The specifics of his complaint deserve restating. Drawing attention to the recent approval of some 20 new road projects despite the parlous state of existing ones, the former Edo State governor lamented that Nigerians cannot travel from Benin to Warri, Benin to Asaba, Benin to Auchi, or Auchi to Okene without encountering severe distress. He alleged a deliberate omission of these corridors from the national budget in the last three years, save for palliative interventions directed by President Bola Tinubu through tax credit arrangements. His question — “What have we done wrong?” — resonates far beyond the chambers of the National Assembly.
We lend our full and unequivocal support to that call. The Auchi-Benin Road, for instance, has been in a deplorable and near-impassable condition for several years, turning what should be a two-hour journey into an all-day ordeal of broken axles, extortionate fares, and despondent commuters. The media have, on multiple occasions, chronicled the suffering of motorists, traders, and students who ply that route. To describe it as a federal road today is to stretch the meaning of the term beyond recognition.
This pattern of sidelining is not confined to Edo or Delta. Even here in Rivers State, the disposition of the Federal Ministry of Works has left much to be desired, particularly along the Eleme axis of the East-West Road. That road, which ought to be a flagship of federal presence in the Niger Delta, has remained in a wretched state for long. Those who use it daily — workers at the Eleme Petrochemical Complex, the two refineries, Onne Port, and the countless ancillary industries — can attest to its deterioration. Work has proceeded in fits and starts without the sustained urgency such a strategic road demands.
The Eleme stretch is not a mere intra-state byway. It is the gateway to the nation’s economic jugular. According to the Federal Ministry of Works and Housing’s 2023 Highway Condition Survey, only about 35 per cent of the country’s 36,000 kilometres of federal roads are rated as being in good or fair condition, with the remainder classified as poor or very poor. The East-West Road, conceived in the 1970s to bind the entire Niger Delta, remains unfinished in critical sections more than four decades after. If it had been treated as a priority, the perennial gridlock, carnage, and economic loss on the Eleme-Refinery junction would have long been consigned to history.
The irony is as painful as it is glaring. The Niger Delta remains the goose that lays the golden eggs. Data from the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative [NEITI 2023 Oil and Gas Audit] show that the region still accounts for over 78 per cent of Nigeria’s federally collected export earnings and about 65 per cent of total government revenue. The National Bureau of Statistics [NBS Foreign Trade Report Q4 2024] similarly confirms that crude oil continues to dominate export receipts. By every metric of equity and economic logic, a region that sustains the national purse deserves first-rate consideration in the allocation of infrastructure, not afterthoughts and tokenism.
Road infrastructure is not largesse to be dispensed by favour; it is the skeleton upon which commerce, cohesion, and citizenship hang. When contracts are concentrated in one geopolitical zone while other zones are left to contend with craters, it erodes trust in the federation itself. The World Bank’s Nigeria Development Update [June 2023] estimated that poor transport connectivity inflates the cost of moving goods by up to 40 per cent and costs the Nigerian economy an estimated $1.5 billion annually in lost man-hours and vehicle maintenance. If we profess to be one country, then equity must be the compass that guides key institutions before any project is executed. Development must spread round, not pool in one place as though other regions do not matter.
There is also a grave security dimension that can no longer be ignored. The deplorable condition of federal roads has become a veritable enabler of criminality. The NBS Crime Experience and Security Perception Survey reported over 2.5 million incidents of kidnapping-related occurrences nationally, with transport workers identifying bad road spots as prime ambush points. When vehicles are forced to crawl at 10 kilometres per hour through failed sections at Auchi, Sapele Road, or Eleme, they become sitting ducks for armed gangs. Fixing bad roads, therefore, is not merely about convenience; it is about safeguarding lives.
By his intervention, Senator Oshiomhole has hit the nail on the head and reminded Minister Umahi of a fundamental constitutional truth: public office is held in trust. The Ministry of Works is not a personal estate where contracts are awarded according to whim or political convenience. It is a national institution funded by the collective resources of Nigerians, including the oil and gas rents from the very communities whose roads are now neglected. The Minister must demonstrate balance, transparency, and a pan-Nigerian outlook in the distribution of projects that impact the daily existence of citizens. Selective neglect breeds suspicion, and suspicion is corrosive at a time when the nation is preaching unity, oneness, equity, and justice.
Consequently, the National Assembly must go beyond rhetoric and assert its oversight powers with vigour. Sections 88 and 89 of the 1999 Constitution [as amended] empower the legislature to investigate and expose any maladministration in the execution of federal projects. If an office holder is not acting rightly, it is the duty of the Senate and the House of Representatives to call him to order. Oversight must not be reduced to budget approval ceremonies; it must translate to field verification, public hearings, and insistence that the Federal Character principle, as enshrined in Section 14(3) of the Constitution, reflects in road awards.
Let the Auchi-Okene, Benin-Warri, Benin-Asaba, and Eleme East-West gangways be restored to motorable dignity. Let priority be given to completing existing, economically vital roads before embarking on new ones. If those who, through their resources, sustain the federation are sidelined in the distribution of tangible dividends, it tells poorly of our nationhood. Bad roads must be fixed, and they must be fixed now, with fairness as the guiding standard.
Editorial
Making Rivers’ 2026 Budget Count
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