Editorial
Flood Victims: Wike’s Donation Timely

Following the devastation that the current floods have been wreaking in Rivers State and across Nigeria,
Governor Nyesom Wike has approved N1 billion for emergency relief measures to support flood victims, especially in Ahoada West and Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni Local Government Areas of the state. Consequently, the governor set up a taskforce to coordinate the distribution of relief materials to affected communities.
The Permanent Secretary, Special Services Bureau in the Office of the Secretary to the Rivers State Government, Dr George Nwaeke, is the chairman of the taskforce, while Mrs Inime Aguma is the Secretary. Other members are the Chairman of Ahoada West, Hon. Hope Ikiriko; Chairman of Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni, Hon. Vincent Job; and the Director of Administration in the Ministry of Special Duties, Hon. Chukwuemeka Onowu.
Governor Wike’s timely intervention will unarguably not end the flooding, but it will go a long way to provide succour to the victims. He deserves some dithyramb. No doubt, the money will go a long way towards tackling the flood challenge. This gesture of empathy is a demonstration of the administration’s humane and effective hallmarks. Individuals, corporates, and stakeholders should replicate the same by providing support in the form of urgent humanitarian relief for affected people.
Expectedly, members of the taskforce should hit the ground running because the assignment is pressing and colossal. They have to identify and inspect areas ravaged by flood, as well as provide succour to victims. They should pinpoint the real victims, relocate them to higher grounds and provide relief materials. Likewise, they must shun corruption and make judicious utilisation of the funds to mollify the people’s suffering.
Local government councils should band together and tackle the flood imminence in their localities. Each local government area should set aside momentous funds from their monthly allocations for dealing with the flood situation. The Rivers State Government should take necessary actions to put permanent plans in place to deal with the flooding, which has become an annual nightmare for Nigeria.
One of the measures is setting up a State Emergency Management Agency (SEMA). The absence of SEMA is affecting the management of disasters in the state. If established, the agency will be saddled with the responsibility of providing relief to victims, as a result of the consequences of such apocalypse. It will equally work together with the National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA) to manage disaster victims professionally.
More than 600 people have died in the worst flooding Nigeria has seen in a decade. Some 1.3 million people have been displaced, and more than 200,000 homes have been destroyed. The Federal Government has said unusual heavy rains and climate change are to blame. The emergency release of excess water from dams in Nigeria and neighbouring Cameroon is another key factor causing annihilatory flooding.
As several Nigerian states suffer immense flood tide, the question of why and what to do about it has become importunate. The headlines are brutal: “hundreds killed”; “hundreds of towns and villages nationwide submerged or destroyed”; “hundreds of thousands of homes damaged”; among others. But the government’s response at the federal and state levels has always remained the same. Billions of Naira are mentioned in humanitarian response, thereafter all goes quiet until it occurs again.
While the Federal Government should step in to directly address national emergencies, local governments and the states are the first responders in all situations. The lives and properties of Nigerians are at stake. Governors of those states that have swung into action should continue with their efforts, but those that have not should instantly face their duties of managing the floods within their jurisdictions. That is what they have been elected to do.
Unfortunately, enlightenment on public safety is not taken seriously in Nigeria until tragedy strikes; otherwise, the lessons of the 2012 flooding would have been enough for those at risk to take adequate precautions. However, the appropriate government agencies should act fast now to contain the worsening flooding catastrophe in the country.
Though we may have little or no control over rivers that burst their banks or other causes of the perennial alluvion, embracing appropriate environmental management, town planning, and enforcement of rules will certainly mitigate the impact of flooding that results from heavy rainfall or the release of water from dams in Cameroon or Nigeria. Regrettably, this is not the case in many states.
Most drainage channels in the metropolis have been blocked due to the indiscriminate discharge of refuse into them. Houses are illegally built on such corridors, while land reclamation is carried out with reckless abandon. These barriers to rainwater flow are recipes for disaster. Hence, the environmental authorities need to be aggressive in the dredging of canals and clearance of the drainage.
Since the flooding began, large swathes of farmlands have been destroyed. There are concerns about the increased spread of diseases, and food and fuel supplies have also been disrupted. Nigeria’s meteorological agency has warned that the flooding could continue until the end of November in some states in the south of the country, including Anambra, Delta, Rivers, Cross River and Bayelsa.
There has to be a flood management policy in Nigeria. The lack of relevant legal and policy frameworks is an indication of the low significance given to controlling and managing flooding in the country. Furthermore, the Federal Government should dredge the Rivers Niger and Benue since all the other rivers in the hinterland flow into them. It is time to pay equal attention to our waterways the way our roads are rehabilitated and reconstructed. This will free both rivers of all barriers along their way.
Editorial
Benue Killings: Beyond Tinubu’s Visit

The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Editorial
Responding To Herders’ Threat In Rivers

Editorial
Democracy Day: So Far…

Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.
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