Editorial
Nigeria’s New Terrorism Ranking
Following successes in the battle against Boko Haram insurgents, Nigeria placed sixth in the latest Global Terrorism Index (GTI). The country dropped two places from fourth, a position it has occupied since 2017. This is a positive development and a token of progress in the anti-insurgence war.
The GTI, published by an independent and non-profit think tank, the Institute for Economics & Peace (IEP), signalled that Nigeria, Syria, and Somalia were the only nations, among the 10 most impaired by terrorism, to get an upgraded score from 2020 to 2021. The report found that the number of terrorism-related deaths in Nigeria had diminished. It attributed this to the death of the Boko Haram leader, Abubakar Shekau, and the Federal Government’s efforts to vanquish the group.
“Total deaths from terrorism in Nigeria fell to 448 in 2021, the lowest level since 2011. Terror-related casualties dropped by almost half compared with the previous year. However, the number of terrorist attacks increased by 49 per cent between 2020 and 2021. Thirty-six per cent of attacks are claimed by ISWA, Boko Haram being responsible for eight per cent and 44 per cent not attributed to any group.
“In 2020, ISWA became the deadliest terrorist group in Nigeria. The decline of Boko Haram continued into 2021, with Boko Haram responsible for only 69 deaths, a decrease of 77 per cent from the previous year. This is the lowest number of deaths by the group for a decade. Boko Haram’s decline has resulted in a substantial improvement in terrorism in Borno State, which experienced a decrease of 71 per cent in terrorism deaths when compared with the previous year,” the report said in part.
In addition, the Terrorism Index figured out that law enforcement agents, including police and prison officers, overtook the military and civilians as the most targeted group in 2021. According to the report, these raids were for the most part impelled by a recrudescence of confrontations between security agents and separatist groups, such as the Indigenous People Of Biafra (IPOB).
GTI is an instrument that has been formulated to help governments comprehend whether and how they are making progress in containment of insurgents or animus to the state or communities. The index derives its scores by gauging the direct and indirect effects of terrorism. These include the number of lives lost, injuries, property damaged, business impacts, and psychological impacts on affected communities.
The Boko Haram uprising reached its peak, destabilising communities from the North-East to the capital, Abuja. This has made life in the entire North-Eastern region worse. Boko Haram not only booby-trapped the political status of the area, but also affected the economic and social activities of the population.
What the GTI report hints at is that the country is progressively retreating from the lamentable situation that has earned it a global negative perception as a nation overwhelmed with terror. And to steer it completely from the parlous course, the Federal Government must come to action and address all the indicators used to measure and define the country as one of the most hazardous places on earth.
For years, many Western countries, especially the United Kingdom and the United States, have issued travel advisories that depict dark images of our country. With previous reports on the Terrorism Index, Nigeria steadily found it difficult to attract foreign investments and tourists because of its poor security rating. The current rating will in actual fact soften these measures, stimulate tourism and investment.
The escalation in attacks on local farmers is already touching the country’s food reserves. The surge in insecurity has brought about stocks falling below 30,000 metric tonnes, which is a segment of what the country of more than 200 million people needs. It also harms the education of hundreds of thousands of children who do not have access to school.
Given the favourable disclosure of the GTI, the government must not yield in the war against terrorism because the insurgency is a saddle on the country’s economy. Its toll is huge and unsustainable. Thousands of lives were lost to this enterprise while millions of people fled their homes and farms, as well as economic activities were severely affected by safety concerns.
Efforts should be made to sustain this rating. The Nigerian military must bolster its intelligence-gathering capabilities, operational reach and general momentum. They need to co-operate with their neighbours. Undoubtedly, recent military achievements speak volumes about renewable involvement in the war against the insurgency. The basic principles of professionalism, respect for human rights and rules of engagement should be observed.
In all, the Terrorism Index that classifies our country positively should be another wake-up call for the authorities to deal with the rising insecurity in Nigeria. The government at the centre should operate an open door system to spur all well-meaning and patriotic citizens to pitch in their contributions towards ensuring that insecurity is put to long-lasting rest.
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Editorial
That Oshiomhole’s Call On FG’s Road Projects
There are moments in the life of a legislature when plain speaking becomes a public service. Senator Adams Oshiomhole provided such a moment on the floor of the Senate when he accused the Minister of Works, Senator David Umahi, of manifestly neglecting critical federal arteries in Edo and Delta States, and implored his colleagues to prevail on the Minister to adopt a more equitable and genuinely national approach to road infrastructure delivery. It was blunt, it was uncomfortable, and it was necessary.
The specifics of his complaint deserve restating. Drawing attention to the recent approval of some 20 new road projects despite the parlous state of existing ones, the former Edo State governor lamented that Nigerians cannot travel from Benin to Warri, Benin to Asaba, Benin to Auchi, or Auchi to Okene without encountering severe distress. He alleged a deliberate omission of these corridors from the national budget in the last three years, save for palliative interventions directed by President Bola Tinubu through tax credit arrangements. His question — “What have we done wrong?” — resonates far beyond the chambers of the National Assembly.
We lend our full and unequivocal support to that call. The Auchi-Benin Road, for instance, has been in a deplorable and near-impassable condition for several years, turning what should be a two-hour journey into an all-day ordeal of broken axles, extortionate fares, and despondent commuters. The media have, on multiple occasions, chronicled the suffering of motorists, traders, and students who ply that route. To describe it as a federal road today is to stretch the meaning of the term beyond recognition.
This pattern of sidelining is not confined to Edo or Delta. Even here in Rivers State, the disposition of the Federal Ministry of Works has left much to be desired, particularly along the Eleme axis of the East-West Road. That road, which ought to be a flagship of federal presence in the Niger Delta, has remained in a wretched state for long. Those who use it daily — workers at the Eleme Petrochemical Complex, the two refineries, Onne Port, and the countless ancillary industries — can attest to its deterioration. Work has proceeded in fits and starts without the sustained urgency such a strategic road demands.
The Eleme stretch is not a mere intra-state byway. It is the gateway to the nation’s economic jugular. According to the Federal Ministry of Works and Housing’s 2023 Highway Condition Survey, only about 35 per cent of the country’s 36,000 kilometres of federal roads are rated as being in good or fair condition, with the remainder classified as poor or very poor. The East-West Road, conceived in the 1970s to bind the entire Niger Delta, remains unfinished in critical sections more than four decades after. If it had been treated as a priority, the perennial gridlock, carnage, and economic loss on the Eleme-Refinery junction would have long been consigned to history.
The irony is as painful as it is glaring. The Niger Delta remains the goose that lays the golden eggs. Data from the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative [NEITI 2023 Oil and Gas Audit] show that the region still accounts for over 78 per cent of Nigeria’s federally collected export earnings and about 65 per cent of total government revenue. The National Bureau of Statistics [NBS Foreign Trade Report Q4 2024] similarly confirms that crude oil continues to dominate export receipts. By every metric of equity and economic logic, a region that sustains the national purse deserves first-rate consideration in the allocation of infrastructure, not afterthoughts and tokenism.
Road infrastructure is not largesse to be dispensed by favour; it is the skeleton upon which commerce, cohesion, and citizenship hang. When contracts are concentrated in one geopolitical zone while other zones are left to contend with craters, it erodes trust in the federation itself. The World Bank’s Nigeria Development Update [June 2023] estimated that poor transport connectivity inflates the cost of moving goods by up to 40 per cent and costs the Nigerian economy an estimated $1.5 billion annually in lost man-hours and vehicle maintenance. If we profess to be one country, then equity must be the compass that guides key institutions before any project is executed. Development must spread round, not pool in one place as though other regions do not matter.
There is also a grave security dimension that can no longer be ignored. The deplorable condition of federal roads has become a veritable enabler of criminality. The NBS Crime Experience and Security Perception Survey reported over 2.5 million incidents of kidnapping-related occurrences nationally, with transport workers identifying bad road spots as prime ambush points. When vehicles are forced to crawl at 10 kilometres per hour through failed sections at Auchi, Sapele Road, or Eleme, they become sitting ducks for armed gangs. Fixing bad roads, therefore, is not merely about convenience; it is about safeguarding lives.
By his intervention, Senator Oshiomhole has hit the nail on the head and reminded Minister Umahi of a fundamental constitutional truth: public office is held in trust. The Ministry of Works is not a personal estate where contracts are awarded according to whim or political convenience. It is a national institution funded by the collective resources of Nigerians, including the oil and gas rents from the very communities whose roads are now neglected. The Minister must demonstrate balance, transparency, and a pan-Nigerian outlook in the distribution of projects that impact the daily existence of citizens. Selective neglect breeds suspicion, and suspicion is corrosive at a time when the nation is preaching unity, oneness, equity, and justice.
Consequently, the National Assembly must go beyond rhetoric and assert its oversight powers with vigour. Sections 88 and 89 of the 1999 Constitution [as amended] empower the legislature to investigate and expose any maladministration in the execution of federal projects. If an office holder is not acting rightly, it is the duty of the Senate and the House of Representatives to call him to order. Oversight must not be reduced to budget approval ceremonies; it must translate to field verification, public hearings, and insistence that the Federal Character principle, as enshrined in Section 14(3) of the Constitution, reflects in road awards.
Let the Auchi-Okene, Benin-Warri, Benin-Asaba, and Eleme East-West gangways be restored to motorable dignity. Let priority be given to completing existing, economically vital roads before embarking on new ones. If those who, through their resources, sustain the federation are sidelined in the distribution of tangible dividends, it tells poorly of our nationhood. Bad roads must be fixed, and they must be fixed now, with fairness as the guiding standard.
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