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Editorial

No To Religious Discrimination Bill

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As our country reels under the weight of insecurity across the land, a potentially dangerous development reared its ugly head in Ilorin, Kwara State, recently when Christians and Muslim faithfuls hauled stones at each other in a conflict over access to some secondary schools in the state.
Matters came to a crisis point as Christians attempted to enforce their objection to the state government’s approval of the wearing of hijab by willing female Muslim students to the schools originally built by Christian missions. The schools which include C & S College, Sabo Oke; St. Anthony Secondary School, Ofa Road; ECWA School, Oja Iya; Surulere Baptist Secondary School and Bishop Smith Secondary School, Agba Dam; CAC Secondary School, Asa Dam Road; St Barnabas Secondary School, Sabo Oke; St John School, Maraba; St William’s Secondary School, Taiwo Isale and St James Secondary School, Maraba, have been subjects of litigation with their original owners pushing for total ownership and control once again after losing them to the state government about 47 years ago.
The state government, in February this year, had shut down the schools to forestall violent clashes between Christian and Muslim groups following the controversy that trailed its policy to allow willing female Muslim students wear hijab in public schools in the state. However, the government ordered the reopening of the schools about a month later to enable the students register for the WAEC examination even though the underlying issues were yet to be resolved.
Reacting to the development, a human rights lawyer, Ebun-Olu Adegboruwa condemned the Kwara State Government for allegedly forcing use of hijabs in missionary schools in the state, arguing that Nigeria, being a secular nation, it was unlawful for states to adopt any specific religion for their residents. According to Adegboruwa, “These churches exist all over Nigeria, in Kwara State in particular, have since confirmed that Kwara is neither a Christian nor a Muslim State, for the government of that State to seek to take up arms in favour of or against any particular religion. In any case, Section 10 of the Constitution clearly prohibits any state in Nigeria from adopting any particular religion as state religion”.
While the spokesman of the state chapter of the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN), Shina Ibiyeye, maintained that the issue of hijab had not been raised at any level of the litigations over the battle for the return of these schools to their owners, the President of Kwara Baptist Conference, Rev. Victor Dada, insisted that the government took a wrong decision by its blanket approval of wearing hijab for female pupils in mission schools.
Still weighing in on the matter, the national body of CAN, speaking through its General Secretary, Joseph Daramola said Governor Abdul Rahman Abdul Rasaq should be “held responsible if the crisis over hijab wearing in schools degenerates”, adding that “it was Abdul Rasaq’s pronouncement on hijab in violation of the court directive on the matter to maintain status quo until the matter is finally resolved by the court that led to this trouble” as “the state government ordered the reopening of the closed schools without resolving the crisis”.
However, the Kwara State Government said, “Arguments over the years that these schools still belong to either Muslim or Christian Missionaries have been flatly rejected by the court. So, the government totally rejects the claims some organisations are still laying to these schools because such claims are not known to the law. That some of these schools retain the names of their founding organizations is purely honorary and in memory of their Contributions to education”.
The government insists that “the law today is that willing Muslim school girls cannot be stopped from wearing hijab in public schools. Anything to the contrary will be in violent contravention of provisions of Section 38 of the constitution; adding that “it is important to clarify that the government is not imposing the hijab. It is not mandatory for all school girls to wear hijab. Rather, the state government approves hijab for any Muslim school girl who wishes to wear it”.
It is disturbing, not only that Nigerians are fighting over what and what not to wear to school in the face of all the problems encumbering our educational sector, but also that the country cannot afford a full scale religious conflict to the already overwhelming security situation our nation is going through. Kwara State and the religious organisations in the state need to demonstrate caution, exercise restraint and approach this issue with maturity, discipline and a sense of responsibility to de-escalate the tension already being generated.
Evidently, the schools in the middle of the crisis were founded by the missions but they are today funded and run by the government as state-owned schools having been taken over by the authorities several decades ago, even though their names were not changed. What is also manifest is that the missions who owned the schools are in court to retrieve their property as the church leaders and their Board of Trustees are said to be praying the Supreme Court to return these schools to their owners.
The Tide believes that the way to go is for all parties, including the Kwara State Government, to hold their peace until the final verdict of the apex court of the land is delivered and the ownership tussle of the disputed schools is determined. There is no doubt that except handled with utmost tact, the hijab crisis in Kwara State has the potential to ignite a religious conflict that could engulf their entire country. A situation that would give religious fundamentalists an excuse to continue the nefarious act of destabilising the nation must be averted at all cost by all well-meaning citizens, not least of all the Christian and Muslim groups in the State and the state government.

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Editorial

A Fair Wage for Difficult Times

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The latest demand by the Federal Workers Forum (FWF) for an upward review of the national minimum wage from N70,000 to N300,000 should not be dismissed as another routine labour agitation. Rather, it should be seen as a reflection of the deep economic pain confronting millions of Nigerian workers whose purchasing power has been severely eroded by inflation, rising living costs, and a struggling economy. Whether or not the figure being demanded is attainable, the message behind it cannot be ignored.
The decision of the Forum to proceed with a nationwide protest also underscores the growing frustration among federal workers who believe that repeated appeals have produced little meaningful action. Their complaints over unpaid entitlements, wage awards, promotion arrears, and other outstanding benefits deserve prompt attention from the authorities. A government that expects dedication and productivity from its workforce must also fulfil its obligations to them.
It is significant that the Chief of Staff to the President recently acknowledged that federal workers are poorly remunerated. Such an admission is welcome because it confirms what workers have consistently argued for years. However, acknowledgement alone is insufficient. Nigerians expect practical measures that will improve workers’ welfare rather than statements that only recognise the obvious.
The economic realities confronting workers are doubtlessly harsh. Food prices have climbed beyond the reach of many families, transportation costs have risen sharply, rents continue to increase, and the cost of healthcare and education has become unbearable for many households. Salaries that appeared modest a few years ago have become grossly inadequate in today’s economic environment.
Compounding the hardship is the persistent challenge of insecurity across the country. Many workers travel daily under difficult and sometimes dangerous conditions to earn incomes that barely sustain their families. The emotional and financial burden of this situation has created widespread frustration and anxiety, contributing to the tense atmosphere that now pervades the nation.
Against this background, the call for a living wage is both reasonable and urgent. The purpose of a minimum wage is not just to keep workers employed but to enable them to live with dignity. When full-time workers cannot adequately feed their families, pay school fees, access healthcare, or meet basic living expenses, it becomes clear that existing wage structures require serious review.
The Federal Government should, therefore, approach this matter with the seriousness it deserves. It should immediately commence purposeful discussions with organised labour and representatives of the Federal Workers Forum to examine realistic options for improving workers’ welfare. Delaying action or relying on promises will only deepen public dissatisfaction and erode confidence in the government.
Equally important is the need for the government to honour existing commitments. Reports of outstanding wage awards, unpaid allowances, and promotion arrears should be independently verified and settled without unnecessary delay. Keeping faith with agreements already reached would demonstrate sincerity and rebuild trust between the authorities and their employees.
That said, the workers must also appreciate the importance of sustained dialogue. While peaceful protest remains a constitutional right, industrial disputes are more productively resolved through negotiation than confrontation. Every effort should be made to avoid actions capable of disrupting essential public services or escalating national tension.
The leadership of organised labour also has a crucial role to play. The Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) and the Trade Union Congress (TUC) must rise and provide united, responsible, and strategic leadership. Workers need strong representation that combines firmness with wisdom and places national interest alongside legitimate labour demands.
There is no doubt that the government faces enormous fiscal challenges. Declining revenues, mounting debt obligations, and competing development needs make public finance increasingly difficult. Nevertheless, these realities cannot become excuses for allowing civil servants to sink deeper into poverty. Sound economic management must ultimately translate into improved living conditions for citizens.
In truth, paying workers a fair and sustainable wage is not only a social obligation; it is an economic necessity. Better-paid workers stimulate consumer spending, enhance productivity, reduce corruption arising from financial desperation, and contribute to greater national stability. Investment in workers is an investment in economic growth.
Nigeria can ill afford another prolonged confrontation between government and labour at a time when insecurity, inflation, and public discontent already threaten social cohesion. Both sides should exercise restraint, avoid inflammatory rhetoric, and demonstrate genuine commitment to finding common ground. Nigerians expect solutions, not endless disputes.
The message from the current agitation is unmistakable. The Federal Government must heed the legitimate demands of workers by urgently pursuing a new living wage that reflects present economic realities and restores hope to millions of households. At the same time, workers should keep engaging the government through peaceful dialogue, mutual respect, and responsible negotiation. At this critical moment in our country’s history, compromise, compassion, and decisive leadership offer the surest path to industrial harmony and national progress.
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Editorial

Getting State Police Right

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Nigeria appears closer than ever to embracing state police, a transformative reform that has dominated national security discourse for years. Such a move, however, requires constitutional amendment to eliminate existing legal obstacles. The National Assembly deserves commendation for expediting work on the necessary legislation to amend Section 214 of the 1999 Constitution, which currently provides for a single, centralised national police force. Having secured passage in both chambers, the amendment bills should now be transmitted without delay to the state Houses of Assembly for prompt consideration.
The urgency of this reform is indisputable. Nigeria has been grappling with terrorism, banditry, kidnapping, communal violence, and organised crime, all of which have overstretched the existing security architecture. According to the National Bureau of Statistics, Nigerians paid an estimated N2.23 trillion in ransom between May 2023 and April 2024, while about 51.9 million crime incidents affected households during the same period. These disturbing figures underline the necessity of strengthening policing through a more pragmatic and responsive system.
State police could remarkably complement the efforts of the Nigeria Police Force (NPF), bringing law enforcement closer to local communities. Officers recruited from within their areas are often better acquainted with the terrain, languages, and cultural dynamics that shape criminal activity. Such local knowledge could produce a more perspicacious approach to crime prevention, intelligence gathering, and rapid emergency response.
Critics rightly fear that state police could become instruments of political persecution if left unchecked. Unscrupulous governors may be tempted to intimidate opponents, suppress dissent, or influence elections through the misuse of security agencies. Any constitutional amendment must, therefore, establish firm precautions that guarantee operational independence and prevent such capricious abuse of authority.
Another serious concern is finance. Running a modern police organisation requires sustained investment in personnel, equipment, technology, training, and welfare. Many states already struggle to pay salaries and pensions promptly. Without reliable funding, state police could deteriorate into poorly equipped institutions that weaken rather than strengthen public safety. Fiscal prudence must accompany political ambition.
Nigeria’s ethnic and religious diversity also demands careful reflection. Minority communities in several states have legitimate concerns that locally controlled police could be manipulated against them during periods of political or communal tension. Recruitment based on ethnicity, family ties, or political loyalty would further undermine professionalism. Only transparent procedures founded on merit can cultivate an equitable policing culture.
Equally important is the need for a comprehensive legal framework to regulate state police operations. Clear provisions are required to define jurisdiction, disciplinary procedures, civilian complaints, accountability mechanisms, and the limits of operational authority. Without such legal clarity, disputes and uncertainty could quickly overwhelm the new institutions.
The relationship between state police and the Nigeria Police Force also deserves meticulous attention. Cross-border crimes, insurgency, and organised criminal networks rarely respect state boundaries. Unless command structures, operational responsibilities, and emergency coordination are carefully defined, jurisdictional rivalry could produce dangerous ambiguity at critical moments.
A fragmented security system presents another risk. Thirty-six separate police commands operating under different priorities and standards may complicate coordinated national responses to terrorism, banditry, and other transnational threats. Intelligence sharing between federal and state agencies must be seamless, timely, and cohesive, leaving no room for avoidable security gaps.
Human rights protection should occupy a central place in the reform agenda. Nigeria’s experience during the #EndSARS protests exposed deep concerns about police brutality, impunity, and excessive force. Establishing additional police formations may merely multiply opportunities for abuse. Independent complaint commissions, judicial oversight,  and regular human rights training are indispensable guarantees.
Political transitions pose another challenge. Changes in state administrations should never trigger wholesale dismissals of police leadership or politically motivated appointments. Professional continuity, rather than partisan loyalty, must define career progression. Uniform training standards, ethical codes, and promotion procedures will help preserve the integrity of the institution regardless of who occupies government office.
History also offers a critical lesson. Nigeria operated regional police forces before 1966, but their widespread political misuse contributed to their eventual abolition. That experience should not automatically condemn present reforms, yet neither should it be ignored. Policymakers must undertake a judicious assessment of past failures and design institutions capable of preventing their recurrence.
Ultimately, state police represent an opportunity to strengthen security, but only if reform is pursued with wisdom rather than haste. Constitutional amendment alone will not guarantee success. Strong oversight institutions, transparent recruitment, sustainable funding, effective intelligence sharing, respect for human rights, and genuine accountability must accompany decentralisation. If these essential conditions are fulfilled, state police could become a valuable pillar of national security instead of another source of instability.
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Editorial

June 12: The Faltering Democratic Journey

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Nigeria today marks Democracy Day, an occasion set aside to celebrate the country’s democratic journey and reflect on the sacrifices made by citizens in the struggle for representative government. The day is both a celebration and a reminder that democracy is not merely about periodic elections. It is also about freedom, justice, accountability, security, and the welfare of the people.
June 12 occupies a special place in Nigeria’s political history because it commemorates the presidential election of June 12, 1993, widely regarded as the freest, fairest, and most credible election ever conducted in the country. The election was won by late Chief Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola, but the military government of General Ibrahim Babangida annulled the results, plunging the nation into political turmoil and a prolonged struggle for democratic rule.
For many years, Nigeria celebrated Democracy Day on May 29 because that was the date when military rule ended and power was handed over to a democratically elected government in 1999. However, in 2018, the administration of late President Muhammadu Buhari officially moved Democracy Day from May 29 to June 12. The change was intended to honour the sacrifices of those who fought against military dictatorship and to recognise the importance of the annulled 1993 election.
More than two decades after the return to civilian rule, Nigeria’s democratic record presents a mixture of progress and disappointment. The country has maintained uninterrupted civilian government since 1999, making it the longest democratic period in its post-independence history. Yet, the quality of governance and democratic institutions remains a matter of concern.
On political rights, Nigeria has made modest gains. Citizens have the constitutional right to vote and contest elections, and political parties operate freely. However, concerns have always been about voter apathy, political violence, and the influence of money in politics. In the 2023 general election, fewer than 30 per cent of registered voters cast their ballots, highlighting declining public confidence in the electoral process.
Civil liberties have improved compared with the military era, but challenges persist. Citizens enjoy greater freedom to express opinions, organise groups, and participate in public debates. Nevertheless, reports of unlawful arrests, harassment of activists, and restrictions on peaceful protests raise questions about the full protection of civil freedoms.
Electoral integrity has shown some improvement through the deployment of technology by the Independent National Electoral Commission. Yet disputes over election management, vote buying, rigging, logistical failures, and prolonged litigation undermine public trust. Many Nigerians still believe electoral reforms have not gone far enough to guarantee completely transparent elections.
Freedom of expression and association are relatively vibrant. Traditional and social media platforms provide citizens with avenues to criticise government policies and mobilise public opinion. However, journalists, activists, and media organisations occasionally face intimidation, legal pressures, and threats that create concerns about press freedom and democratic openness.
Security is one of Nigeria’s weakest democratic indicators. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, farmer-herder conflicts in parts of the Middle Belt, separatist tensions in the South-East, and widespread kidnapping have created a climate of fear. Thousands of lives have been lost in violent attacks over the past decade, while many communities live under constant security threats.
The rule of law and judicial independence present a mixed picture. Nigerian courts have delivered landmark judgments that have strengthened democracy and resolved electoral disputes peacefully. Yet allegations of political interference, delays in the justice system, and concerns over selective application of the law affect public confidence in the judiciary.
Protection of individual rights and checks on executive power are among areas requiring improvement. Although constitutional safeguards exist, enforcement is often inconsistent. Institutions responsible for oversight, including the legislature and anti-corruption agencies, sometimes face accusations of weakness or partisanship. Strong democratic systems require institutions that can operate independently of political influence.
On accountability and transparency, Nigeria has made some progress through public procurement reforms, digital financial systems, and increased access to information. Yet corruption remains a major obstacle. Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index has consistently ranked Nigeria among countries facing serious corruption challenges. The misuse of public resources undermines development and public trust.
Citizen participation in governance has expanded through civil society organisations, community groups, and digital engagement. However, many citizens still feel disconnected from decision-making processes. Economically, democracy has not delivered the level of prosperity many expected. Despite being Africa’s most populous nation, Nigeria has been struggling with high inflation, unemployment, poverty, and a rising cost of living. Effective and responsive government remains a challenge as many Nigerians demand better public services, infrastructure, healthcare, and education.
As Nigeria marks Democracy Day, the path forward is clear. Electoral reforms must be strengthened to improve transparency and public confidence. Security agencies must be better equipped and held accountable. Judicial independence should be protected, while anti-corruption institutions must be empowered to act without fear or favour. Governments at all levels should embrace transparency, respect human rights, and prioritise economic policies that create jobs and improve living standards.
Above all, citizens must actively engage in governance. Democracy flourishes not only through elections but also through continuous participation, vigilance, and accountability. The promise of June 12 will be fully realised only when democratic governance delivers freedom, justice, security, and prosperity to all Nigerians.
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