Editorial
No To Operation Crocodile Smile II
Anyone with a modicum of historical knowledge of the evolution and development of the Nigerian state will, undoubtedly and easily concede that no region in Nigeria has contributed to national wealth, sustenance and stability of the country than the oil-rich Niger Delta region, otherwise known as the South-South geo-political zone.
Arguably, the region contributes over 90 per cent of its oil and gas resource earnings to the Federation Account, a common pool, which the three tiers of government; Federal, State and Local Government councils derive their major revenue from. Little wonder that these levels of governance rush to Abuja monthly to scramble for funds for their capital and re-current expenditures.
Infact, most appropriation bills and budgets of governmental organs and agencies are largely determined by revenue accruing from oil and gas. Hence, when the region sneezes, the rest of the country catches cold or suffer from financial anemia, leading to either poor or non-implementation of budget for each fiscal year.
It is against this backdrop that The Tide implores the nation’s Military High Command to re-consider its stand to militarise and flood the South-South region with its military campaign code-named Operation Crocodile Smile II which, according to military sources, will be an anti-kidnapping, cultism, robbery and insecurity assignment that will cover the Niger Delta region and part of the South-West zone.
The relative peace and stability witnessed in the oil-rich region in the past three quarters was largely attributable to persistent dialogue between federal authorities, with Vice President, Yemi Osinbajo as the arrow-head and leaders and stakeholders of the region.
Cessation of hostilities by agitators and ex-militants is a fallout of the peace brokered by Osinbajo and leadership of the region who, among others, demanded total demilitarisation of the region that was virtually under siege in 2015 and 2016 which consequently occasioned sharp drop in the nation’s production of crude oil and gas.
We think that having shelved Operation Crocodile Smile 1 following persistent protests from stakeholders in the region and achieving relative peace, security and stability, the process of engagement and consultations should continue and be consolidated to further consolidate the achievements recorded thus far.
The Tide therefore endorses the position of leaders and stakeholders of the region opposing the re-introduction of military operations in the zone under any guise or nomenclature.
Our reason is simple! Judging from the echoes and experiences of our neighbours in the South-East region, where the same military floated Operated Python Dance II which left in its trail and still reverberates till date, tales of woes, killings, arson, and resentment from the people, the volatile Niger Delta may witness the militants return to the creeks if caution and diplomacy are thrown to the winds.
That is why The Tide is opposed to the declaration by the Public Relations Director, Nigerian Army, Brigadier General, Sani Usman that due to the “encouraging feedback” from the South-East Python Dance 1, the military decided to commence the second phase of the operation and will soon float Operation Crocodile Smile II in the oil-rich region and parts of South-West.
Though, Brigadier-General Usman solicited for patience on the part of Nigerians as the army strives to secure lives and property, we believe that the tension and sense of insecurity which such military operation may generate will further escalate the palpable insecurity in the region.
We warn that multiplicity of military operations in virtually all the six geo-political zones on the country tends to paint the picture that Nigeria is at war with itself and this will definitely scare local and foreign investments which the country desires, especially as we exit recession. We need not create a scenario of a state of emergency.
Floating Operation Crocodile Smile II in the Niger Delta now could be counter-productive as youths in the region could be agitated and may take up arms and this will, for sure, have dire consequences on the nation’s economy.
We do not subscribe to the position of the military that the exercise will tame criminals and criminality. The excuse is untenable and unacceptable to the people of the region, who have voiced their position in different fora and in the media.
While we do not want to believe that militarization of the Nigerian society may be a dress rehearsal preceding the 2019 general elections, The Tide thinks that civil matters should be left for the police to handle, as events in the South East lately have made men and officers of the Nigerian police look like robots and rubber stamps to their military counterparts.
We implore the Nigerian military to concentrate on its constitutional role of defending the country’s sovereignty from external aggression except when there is clear and present danger to national security. In that case, due process must be followed by notifying the National Assembly before troops are deployed to any part of the country.
Editorial
Checkmating ‘One-Chance’ Menaces In PH
Editorial
That Oshiomhole’s Call On FG’s Road Projects
There are moments in the life of a legislature when plain speaking becomes a public service. Senator Adams Oshiomhole provided such a moment on the floor of the Senate when he accused the Minister of Works, Senator David Umahi, of manifestly neglecting critical federal arteries in Edo and Delta States, and implored his colleagues to prevail on the Minister to adopt a more equitable and genuinely national approach to road infrastructure delivery. It was blunt, it was uncomfortable, and it was necessary.
The specifics of his complaint deserve restating. Drawing attention to the recent approval of some 20 new road projects despite the parlous state of existing ones, the former Edo State governor lamented that Nigerians cannot travel from Benin to Warri, Benin to Asaba, Benin to Auchi, or Auchi to Okene without encountering severe distress. He alleged a deliberate omission of these corridors from the national budget in the last three years, save for palliative interventions directed by President Bola Tinubu through tax credit arrangements. His question — “What have we done wrong?” — resonates far beyond the chambers of the National Assembly.
We lend our full and unequivocal support to that call. The Auchi-Benin Road, for instance, has been in a deplorable and near-impassable condition for several years, turning what should be a two-hour journey into an all-day ordeal of broken axles, extortionate fares, and despondent commuters. The media have, on multiple occasions, chronicled the suffering of motorists, traders, and students who ply that route. To describe it as a federal road today is to stretch the meaning of the term beyond recognition.
This pattern of sidelining is not confined to Edo or Delta. Even here in Rivers State, the disposition of the Federal Ministry of Works has left much to be desired, particularly along the Eleme axis of the East-West Road. That road, which ought to be a flagship of federal presence in the Niger Delta, has remained in a wretched state for long. Those who use it daily — workers at the Eleme Petrochemical Complex, the two refineries, Onne Port, and the countless ancillary industries — can attest to its deterioration. Work has proceeded in fits and starts without the sustained urgency such a strategic road demands.
The Eleme stretch is not a mere intra-state byway. It is the gateway to the nation’s economic jugular. According to the Federal Ministry of Works and Housing’s 2023 Highway Condition Survey, only about 35 per cent of the country’s 36,000 kilometres of federal roads are rated as being in good or fair condition, with the remainder classified as poor or very poor. The East-West Road, conceived in the 1970s to bind the entire Niger Delta, remains unfinished in critical sections more than four decades after. If it had been treated as a priority, the perennial gridlock, carnage, and economic loss on the Eleme-Refinery junction would have long been consigned to history.
The irony is as painful as it is glaring. The Niger Delta remains the goose that lays the golden eggs. Data from the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative [NEITI 2023 Oil and Gas Audit] show that the region still accounts for over 78 per cent of Nigeria’s federally collected export earnings and about 65 per cent of total government revenue. The National Bureau of Statistics [NBS Foreign Trade Report Q4 2024] similarly confirms that crude oil continues to dominate export receipts. By every metric of equity and economic logic, a region that sustains the national purse deserves first-rate consideration in the allocation of infrastructure, not afterthoughts and tokenism.
Road infrastructure is not largesse to be dispensed by favour; it is the skeleton upon which commerce, cohesion, and citizenship hang. When contracts are concentrated in one geopolitical zone while other zones are left to contend with craters, it erodes trust in the federation itself. The World Bank’s Nigeria Development Update [June 2023] estimated that poor transport connectivity inflates the cost of moving goods by up to 40 per cent and costs the Nigerian economy an estimated $1.5 billion annually in lost man-hours and vehicle maintenance. If we profess to be one country, then equity must be the compass that guides key institutions before any project is executed. Development must spread round, not pool in one place as though other regions do not matter.
There is also a grave security dimension that can no longer be ignored. The deplorable condition of federal roads has become a veritable enabler of criminality. The NBS Crime Experience and Security Perception Survey reported over 2.5 million incidents of kidnapping-related occurrences nationally, with transport workers identifying bad road spots as prime ambush points. When vehicles are forced to crawl at 10 kilometres per hour through failed sections at Auchi, Sapele Road, or Eleme, they become sitting ducks for armed gangs. Fixing bad roads, therefore, is not merely about convenience; it is about safeguarding lives.
By his intervention, Senator Oshiomhole has hit the nail on the head and reminded Minister Umahi of a fundamental constitutional truth: public office is held in trust. The Ministry of Works is not a personal estate where contracts are awarded according to whim or political convenience. It is a national institution funded by the collective resources of Nigerians, including the oil and gas rents from the very communities whose roads are now neglected. The Minister must demonstrate balance, transparency, and a pan-Nigerian outlook in the distribution of projects that impact the daily existence of citizens. Selective neglect breeds suspicion, and suspicion is corrosive at a time when the nation is preaching unity, oneness, equity, and justice.
Consequently, the National Assembly must go beyond rhetoric and assert its oversight powers with vigour. Sections 88 and 89 of the 1999 Constitution [as amended] empower the legislature to investigate and expose any maladministration in the execution of federal projects. If an office holder is not acting rightly, it is the duty of the Senate and the House of Representatives to call him to order. Oversight must not be reduced to budget approval ceremonies; it must translate to field verification, public hearings, and insistence that the Federal Character principle, as enshrined in Section 14(3) of the Constitution, reflects in road awards.
Let the Auchi-Okene, Benin-Warri, Benin-Asaba, and Eleme East-West gangways be restored to motorable dignity. Let priority be given to completing existing, economically vital roads before embarking on new ones. If those who, through their resources, sustain the federation are sidelined in the distribution of tangible dividends, it tells poorly of our nationhood. Bad roads must be fixed, and they must be fixed now, with fairness as the guiding standard.
Editorial
Making Rivers’ 2026 Budget Count
-
News2 days agoRSG Targets Nine Million Residents in Mosquito Net Distribution Campaign
-
Oil & Energy2 days agoAiyedatiwa Signs New Electricity Bill
-
Maritime2 days agoMarine Minister Commends President Tinubu On NPERA Bill Assent
-
Oil & Energy2 days agoNLNG Commissions Research And Innovation Centre In RSU
-
News2 days agoKenPoly Holds Eight Convocations, August 29
-
News2 days agoRSG Begins Another Phase of Projects Commissioning Today
-
News2 days agoRMAFC Completes Revenue Sharing Review, Proposes New Pay
-
Maritime2 days agoNAGAFF Petitions IGP Over Alleged Maritime Police Harassment
