Editorial
That Cut In Fuel Price
Minister of Petroleum Resources, Mrs.
Diezani Alison-Madueke, took Nige
rians by storm late last Sunday when she announced a marginal reduction in the pump price of Premium Motor Spirit (PMS), otherwise called petrol from N97 to N87 per litre. The Minister said that the new price regime takes effect from 12 midnight that day.
She further directed all filling stations across the country to comply by adjusting their pumps in line with the present reality, just as she charged all regulatory agencies, especially the Department of Petroleum Resources (DPR), the Petroleum Products Pricing and Regulatory Agency (PPPRA), and other agencies of government to monitor petroleum products marketers and filling stations to ensure total compliance.
Since the announcement of the cut in the pump price of petrol with effect from January 19, 2015, groups, individuals and key stakeholders, have continued to voice divergent views on the motive and indeed the propriety of the decision. Even organised labour under the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), Trade Union Congress (TUC) and other interest groups are not left out of the discourse.
While some welcome the gesture and rationalize it as government’s response to the yearnings of Nigerians, particularly because of the prevailing economic conditions, others think, and vehemently too, that the reduction in price by N10 is not proportionate to the huge fall in the price of crude oil in the international market.
Some persons insist that the fall in the price of crude oil should naturally trigger a reduction in the prices of all derivatives of hydrocarbons, including Automotive Gas and Oils (AGO), Dual Purpose Kerosene (DPK), and Aviation Fuels (Jet A and Jet A1), and not just PMS (Petrol).
While we commend the government for reducing the pump price of petrol, we wonder the parameters it used to arrive at the new price. It did not also let Nigerians know what to expect when the price of crude appreciates and whether government can again unilaterally increase prices.
Our first worry, however, was the failure of government to extend the price cut to other key derivatives of crude oil, such as DPK, AGO and Aviation Fuels. We believe that a reduction in the price of petrol, without a corresponding cut in the prices of kerosene, diesel and jet oils, may not affect the critical masses; particularly those in the rural areas and low income earners in urban centres who depend on kerosene for cooking. On the other hand, industries and manufacturers, whose economic contributions oil the wheel of development, as well as some key transporters and commuters, are left out as they depend largely on diesel that is not affected.
This is why we join other well-meaning Nigerians to call on the Federal Government to take a holistic review of the intervention measure with a view to further cutting the prices of all petroleum products across board. We also think that the review should be done in such a way that no iota of arbitrariness was allowed to permeate the process.
Even so, The Tide is particularly worried that under a regulated petroleum industry, where government regulates prices in consonance with a complex subsidy regime, a drop in the price of crude oil at the international market, resulting in unanticipated intervention of this nature, is not sustainable. We say so because crude oil prices fluctuate, depending on prevailing circumstances.
The real test is in the courage of both government and the people to deal with a sudden upward change on the product price. Should the government also raise price and on what terms; would the people trust government to raise price and without any yardstick, especially if the new price is high?
For us, the current situation provides an ample opportunity for the Nigerian people to rise up and call for the removal of subsidy on petroleum products, thus allowing market forces determine the prices of the essential products. Besides, a deregulated downstream sector of the petroleum industry would surely open the floodgate for the take-off of new refineries and petrochemicals facilities to add the much-needed value in the country’s economy.
In addition, a deregulated regime would create millions of new jobs for the teeming population of skilled and semi-skilled manpower, stop products importation, as well as eliminate corruption in the industry, thus saving trillions of Naira frittered away by a band of cabals, among other benefits. We think that this is the right way to go, if the present generation must move Nigeria to the next level.
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INEC’s Threat Alert Deserves Urgent Attention
The Independent National Electoral Commission’s (INEC) disclosure of an alleged plot to target its ad hoc personnel ahead of the 2027 general elections demand urgent national attention. The reported arrest of suspects, with intelligence support from the Department of State Services (DSS), is encouraging, but must not breed complacency. Any attack on electoral workers threatens not only human lives but also Nigerians’ constitutional right to choose their leaders through credible elections. The alleged conspiracy must be thoroughly investigated, its sponsors identified and all those found culpable prosecuted.
Particularly troubling is the reported targeting of National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) members, who play a vital role in Nigeria’s electoral process. Many serve far from home and undertake sensitive assignments at polling units and other electoral locations. As civilians, they should not be exposed to intimidation, abduction or violence without adequate protection. If election workers are vulnerable, the safety of other officials, observers and voters cannot be guaranteed.
Nigeria’s electoral history offers painful lessons. Human Rights Watch reported in Nigeria’s Post-Election Violence, published in May 2011, that more than 800 people died in the violence following the 2011 general elections. NYSC members serving as electoral officials were among the victims. This tragedy underscores the deadly consequences of political tension, incitement and disputed outcomes. Nigeria must act on the latest warning before another preventable disaster occurs.
INEC deserves recognition for uncovering the alleged plot, while the DSS and other security agencies merit commendation for their reported assistance. However, arrests are only the beginning. Investigators must establish the suspects’ identities, motives, networks and intended targets, ensuring that evidence is admissible in court. The process must remain impartial and free from political interference. Credible public updates are also necessary, provided they do not compromise investigations or operational security.
The authorities must adopt a comprehensive, intelligence-led security strategy for 2027. INEC’s proposed security conference should produce practical measures developed in collaboration with the Inter-Agency Consultative Committee on Election Security (ICCES), the police, the DSS and other relevant agencies. Threat assessments should guide personnel deployment, secure transportation, emergency communications, evacuation procedures and rapid response. Protection must extend beyond polling day to the distribution of sensitive materials, collation centres and the safe return of ad hoc personnel.
Those who provide intelligence must also be protected from retaliation. Confidential reporting channels and appropriate safeguards should be established for informants and others assisting investigations. Equally, security deployments must not intimidate voters or facilitate political repression. Personnel should act professionally, impartially and proportionately, within the law. Clear mechanisms for reporting misconduct and investigating abuses are essential to maintaining public confidence.
The threat also highlights broader concerns about trust in the electoral system. The European Union Election Observation Mission’s June 2023 final report identified shortcomings in transparency and operational implementation during Nigeria’s 2023 general elections, alongside concerns about the legal framework and electoral dispute resolution. Credible elections require more than security; they depend on transparent procedures, accountable officials and consistent enforcement of electoral laws. INEC must demonstrate measurable progress in addressing previously identified weaknesses.
Voter apathy presents another challenge. INEC’s published figures indicate that approximately 25 million people voted in the 2023 presidential election, out of about 93.5 million registered voters, a turnout of roughly 26.7 per cent. Although insecurity is not the sole cause of low participation, threats against electoral personnel can heighten public anxiety and discourage voters from exercising their franchise. INEC should strengthen civic education, improve polling accessibility and communicate procedures clearly. Political parties, civil society and the media must promote peaceful participation and reject electoral intimidation.
Misinformation and manipulated digital content pose additional risks. False reports, fabricated announcements and deepfake videos can inflame tensions, impersonate officials and mislead voters. INEC should establish a well-resourced, rapid-response communication system supported by verified digital channels and timely public statements. Collaboration with credible media organisations and fact-checkers would help counter falsehoods without suppressing legitimate criticism. Clear, consistent communication is indispensable, as administrative confusion and delayed explanations often allow rumours to spread.
Electoral integrity must also begin within INEC itself. The chairman’s warning against partisanship, negligence, extortion and ethical misconduct deserves serious attention. Security measures cannot compensate for officials who abuse their positions or disregard established procedures. INEC should strengthen staff training, ensure transparent recruitment and deployment, provide secure channels for reporting misconduct and enforce disciplinary rules consistently. Allegations of bribery and political interference must be investigated regardless of rank, while ad hoc personnel should receive adequate briefing, support and prompt payment.
The legal framework also requires clarity and consistent enforcement. INEC should explain the precise provisions and applicability of Section 26 of the Electoral Act 2026, including the obligations of electoral officials and security personnel, and publish authoritative guidance on neutrality and professional conduct. Complaints by opposition parties that they have been prevented from campaigning in certain states must likewise be investigated impartially. Any established violations should attract appropriate corrective action. Electoral fairness requires not only impartial polling officials but also lawful campaigning, access to competing viewpoints and freedom from intimidation.
The alleged plot against INEC’s ad hoc personnel is a warning against complacency ahead of the 2027 general election. Governments, security agencies, INEC, political parties and civil society must work together to prevent violence, punish misconduct and protect citizens’ participation. The commission should communicate its security priorities, maintain accessible threat-reporting channels and provide periodic updates on preparedness. Nigeria’s democracy cannot be safeguarded by assurances alone; it requires demonstrable preparation, impartial law enforcement and an unwavering commitment to free, fair and credible elections.
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