Editorial
FG And The National Automotive Policy
Two world-class auto-mobile firms re
cently declared the intention to
manufacture their brand of cars in Nigeria and gave kudos to the Federal Government’s drive for Foreign Direct Investments (FDIs). Even more commendable is the deserved fillip it gives to the National Automotive Policy.
For some years now, Nigeria has been desirous of developing her automobile industry. Apart from the miles it would go in arresting capital flight and dependence on other countries for her vehicular needs, the role it would play in supporting transportation in the country is huge.
Also important is the apparent confidence the firms, and indeed, the international community has on Nigeria, in spite of some temporary security challenges the country contends with. In addition to the existence of a viable market in the country, this expression of faith underscores the dependability of the Nigerian economy.
As these firms take steps to set up in Nigeria, they may be opening the way for other investors, if the needed atmosphere is created for their business. Firms like this naturally attract support services that would either attract more investors to grow local entrepreneurs that should also be provided for.
While we commend the Federal Government for this policy dividend, we should not loose sight of the fact that this would not be the first time similar ventures would be carried out in Nigeria. There were assembly plants for Peugeot Automobile Nigeria (PAN), Volkswagen and even ANAMCO and they all went under over time.
The present administration must go beyond the feasibility study, the business plan and the National Automotive Policy to find out why the assembly plants failed, with a view to averting possible crisis for the current investors. From our stand point, we see no danger, but it will cost nothing to double check.
The Tide is actually elated that the commencement of business by the two manufacturing firms will not only add to one or two other such plants currently operating in Nigeria, but would make cars, including jeeps more affordable. Not only would it provide jobs, it would also change the face of Nigerian traffic that for many years depended on second-hand vehicles.
Of course, the cost of maintenance and the unexpected break-downs of such second hand cars, especially those made for other climates and quality of roads can be avoided. In spite of national policies on such “tokumbo” cars, the rush for them and the pressures on customers have not helped the Nigerian economy nor the safety of road users.
These are some of the reasons why we are excited by the prospect of actually manufacturing choice cars in Nigeria and not just assembling as was done before. This is also capable of bringing about the much awaited technology transfer in that sector. It will also encourage the use of some local materials, including steel from the nation’s steel rolling plants.
But for any business to thrive, some facilities, policies and expertise must be available. The Federal Government may need to re-double the effort aimed at providing electricity round the clock. It must also ensure that the movement of materials and finished products are not hampered by the absence of serviceable rail line, and safe roads.
We think that this provides an opportunity to truly commence the drive for the take-off of industrialisation in Nigeria. Because those infrastructure that would support the operation of car manufacturing firms can also facilitate the operation of other industries. All it requires is the requisite plan and political will to take the needed steps.
The truth is that Nigerians are very enterprising and adventurous. All that is required is for the authorities to provide an investor-friendly environment for all to participate. Then the attraction of more foreign investors would be easy and wide spread as would be needed to build the economy for the 20:2020 mark.
Editorial
2027: Beyond IGP’s Billboards Protection Order
As Nigeria moves toward the 2027 general elections and campaign activities intensify, violence against opposition politicians has become an issue that can no longer be overlooked. What should be a season of competing ideas is increasingly turning into a test of intimidation, and early signs suggest that those challenging the ruling establishment are the primary targets.
It was, therefore, welcome news when the Inspector-General of Police, Olatunji Disu, warned politicians, political thugs and others against destroying, defacing or removing campaign posters, banners and billboards. In a statement issued in Abuja by the Force Public Relations Officer, CSP Ani Iniedu, the police condemned such acts as political intolerance, directed Commissioners of Police in all 36 States and the Federal Capital Territory to take preventive measures, and warned that sponsors would also face prosecution. The police rightly described such vandalism as a criminal act that undermines parties’ and candidates’ freedom to canvass for votes.
But billboards are replaceable; human lives are not. While applauding the IGP’s stance, we urge him to extend the same stern warning and enforcement zeal to thugs who assault opposition members during campaigns. A police force that punishes the tearing of a poster but ignores the breaking of a skull will have its priorities questioned. Allowing such attacks to continue could erode the foundations of our democracy.
Consider the African Democratic Congress (ADC) presidential campaign flag-off in Sokoto State on November 4, 2026. The party alleged that the State Government denied it access to public facilities, sealed its campaign venue and pressured hotels to reject its delegates, forcing it to hold the rally at its secretariat. The Sokoto authorities, however, denied instructing hotels to turn guests away. More seriously, two suspected ADC supporters were reportedly shot along the Sokoto–Wurno Road while travelling to the venue, allegedly by operatives of the Sokoto State Community Guards.
Whatever the truth of these competing accounts, a shooting demands more than press statements. It requires a transparent, independent investigation and prosecution where warranted. Sokoto was not an isolated incident. The following day in Birnin Kebbi, the ADC presidential campaign convoy was reportedly attacked by armed gangs. Amnesty International said vehicles were vandalised, people assaulted with cutlasses and roads blocked, while the party’s Kebbi governorship candidate, Abubakar Malami, alleged that media equipment was destroyed and tear gas deployed. His convoy had suffered a similar attack in the city in September 2025.
The Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC) has suffered similar attacks. On November 4, hoodlums stoned the motorcade of its presidential candidate, Peter Obi, and running mate, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, at Watt Market roundabout in Calabar, Cross River State. Police reported arresting a 27-year-old suspect, Victor Edet, although it remains unclear whether he has been arraigned. The State Government has denied suggestions that ruling-party supporters were responsible. Worse, in Asaba, Delta State, one person was killed and five injured when suspected thugs attacked an NDC rally. A death at a political rally is no longer a warning; it is a damning indictment of the prevailing political climate.
Even critics of the establishment who are not frontrunners have not been spared. Omoyele Sowore, presidential candidate of the African Action Congress (AAC), was attacked by suspected thugs at a restaurant in Ado-Ekiti on October 30. He alleged that the assailants were linked to the Ekiti State Government House and that the Department of State Services leaked his location. Both the State Government and the security service denied involvement, while the police reported a minor injury and a discreet investigation. These conflicting accounts make an independent, publicly reported inquiry indispensable.
What deepens the concern is the Federal Government’s apparent silence. We are unaware of any specific, forceful condemnation of these assaults, even as All Progressives Congress (APC) rallies appear to proceed nationwide without incident. Such silence can easily be misconstrued as complicity, regardless of intent.
According to the Centre for Democracy and Development, 109 election-related deaths were recorded in the build-up to the 2023 polls. The Kimpact Development Initiative separately documented 238 incidents and 24 deaths during the general elections. Beyond Nigeria, Kenya’s 2007–08 post-election violence claimed more than 1,000 lives, according to the Waki Commission. Ghana, by contrast, enacted the Vigilantism and Related Offences Act in 2019 to curb party vigilante groups, a model worth studying.
The remedies are neither exotic nor expensive. The IGP should extend his directive to cover assaults on individuals and disruptions of rallies, while establishing a dedicated investigative unit to probe the Sokoto shooting and the attacks in Kebbi, Calabar, Asaba and Ado-Ekiti. It should publish the status of each case within a fixed period. Suspects must be prosecuted and their sponsors, regardless of party or position, brought to justice. State-backed security outfits, including the Community Guards, should be audited and barred from partisan duties.
The Federal Government must speak and act unequivocally. President Tinubu should specifically condemn attacks on opposition candidates and direct all security agencies to guarantee equal protection for every party. Governors must ensure equal access to public facilities for registered parties. The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), which has warned of fines and imprisonment under the Electoral Act 2026 for inflammatory campaign conduct, should enforce the Code of Conduct for Political Parties. Working with the Inter-Agency Consultative Committee on Election Security, it should publish a joint security plan covering campaigns, polling, and collation. Parties must discipline their supporters, courts expedite electoral-violence trials, and civil society and the media maintain a public record of incidents and their outcomes.
The credibility of the 2027 elections is at stake. An election is credible only when every contender can campaign, travel, assemble and speak freely, without fear. Without a free opposition, there can be no meaningful democracy. Nigeria is not a one-party State, and law enforcement agencies must demonstrate their neutrality through action, not communiqués. The campaign atmosphere is too tense to be left to chance. Billboards deserve protection, certainly, but citizens deserve it far more.
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