Editorial
Constitutional Review: Matters Arising
In apparent response to the genuine wishes of Nigerians, the National Assembly has resumed the review of the 1999 Constitution often described as a product of the military that fall short of certain democratic tenets.
Since the attainment of civil rule in Nigeria, several calls have been made for the constitution to be reviewed. In fact, before the bold attempt at reviewing the constitution under the constitutional conference of 2006 the call for a Sovereign National Conference was eminently canvassed.
But while Nigerians reduced the matter to a mere political discourse, the deficiency of the constitution became a source of embarrassment to the country until 2010 when the National Assembly commenced a comprehensive review of the constitution beginning with the electoral provisions. The question is no longer whether the constitution should be reviewed. It is now to what extent the review can go.
While the proposal for a Sovereign National Conference continues to gain legitimacy, many Nigerians fear that given recent security challenges in the country, Nigeria will not come out the same from any such conference.
Therefore, if the constitution must be reviewed to meet the varied and various interests of Nigerians, the elected representatives of the people must remove politics from the exercise and put before them the greater good of Nigeria and Nigerians.
They must look at Nigeria beyond the interest of any or some of the major ethnic groups. The National Assembly must see Nigeria beyond the context of African monarchical leadership model or base decision only on the realities of today.
Similarly, those who are in positions of authority must not forget that they are first and foremost citizens. If they construct the constitution to favour the current status quo, they will not be there forever, they will join the rest of the citizens to face the consequences of the anti-people decisions that maybe taken today. These are only some of the issues that should drive the review of the constitution.
Just recently, the Senate committee working on the constitution rose from a meeting at Asaba with discordant tunes. Sadly, the issue of state creation has continued to generate controversy even among the lawmakers which should not be. However, we advise that Nigerians should be cautious about demand for state creation in order not to abuse the privilege.
As a way out, some eminent Nigerians have suggested that the country should rather adopt the six geo-political zones as states. Similarly, others have also wondered if the Presidential System of government fashioned after the United States of America model, was not too expensive for Nigeria.
Recently, some issues have been floated as contentious in the process when they actually should not be. This is because if a people decide to adopt a federal system of government the features of a federal state are very clear. They cannot assume a different meaning in Nigeria.
Some of the features of a federal state are that the constituent states are autonomous to a large extent. This autonomy includes controlling their own resources and paying taxes to the central government. The states also have their own police that bow to the federal police on specific cases.
Incidentally, we borrowed the system of government from the U.S and that is how it is done there. Why Nigerians should oppose state police and resource control by states is what we cannot understand. If any group expects Nigeria to move forward, and under the path we have taken, these issues should be taken as done.
Nigeria cannot continue to avoid positive change in how things are done and expect transformation and functionality as experienced in other lands. It is sad that while the U.S had to spend hundreds of years to get it right, Nigeria has a model to copy from and should be able to do so.
On state creation, Nigeria cannot be just. In fact, if there is any area that deserves an additional state to be created, it is the long marginalised Niger Delta. A lot of the people are still in-accessible in the deltaic terrain and for them a state could do the trick as suggested by the Willinks Commission before the independence of Nigeria.
While the National Assembly would need to revisit this issue in the context of progress, we hope that even the practice of using Local Government as a rational for the allocation of resources in this country will stop. Let the states be free to create their sub-units and fund them, period.
Editorial
That Oshiomhole’s Call On FG’s Road Projects
There are moments in the life of a legislature when plain speaking becomes a public service. Senator Adams Oshiomhole provided such a moment on the floor of the Senate when he accused the Minister of Works, Senator David Umahi, of manifestly neglecting critical federal arteries in Edo and Delta States, and implored his colleagues to prevail on the Minister to adopt a more equitable and genuinely national approach to road infrastructure delivery. It was blunt, it was uncomfortable, and it was necessary.
The specifics of his complaint deserve restating. Drawing attention to the recent approval of some 20 new road projects despite the parlous state of existing ones, the former Edo State governor lamented that Nigerians cannot travel from Benin to Warri, Benin to Asaba, Benin to Auchi, or Auchi to Okene without encountering severe distress. He alleged a deliberate omission of these corridors from the national budget in the last three years, save for palliative interventions directed by President Bola Tinubu through tax credit arrangements. His question — “What have we done wrong?” — resonates far beyond the chambers of the National Assembly.
We lend our full and unequivocal support to that call. The Auchi-Benin Road, for instance, has been in a deplorable and near-impassable condition for several years, turning what should be a two-hour journey into an all-day ordeal of broken axles, extortionate fares, and despondent commuters. The media have, on multiple occasions, chronicled the suffering of motorists, traders, and students who ply that route. To describe it as a federal road today is to stretch the meaning of the term beyond recognition.
This pattern of sidelining is not confined to Edo or Delta. Even here in Rivers State, the disposition of the Federal Ministry of Works has left much to be desired, particularly along the Eleme axis of the East-West Road. That road, which ought to be a flagship of federal presence in the Niger Delta, has remained in a wretched state for long. Those who use it daily — workers at the Eleme Petrochemical Complex, the two refineries, Onne Port, and the countless ancillary industries — can attest to its deterioration. Work has proceeded in fits and starts without the sustained urgency such a strategic road demands.
The Eleme stretch is not a mere intra-state byway. It is the gateway to the nation’s economic jugular. According to the Federal Ministry of Works and Housing’s 2023 Highway Condition Survey, only about 35 per cent of the country’s 36,000 kilometres of federal roads are rated as being in good or fair condition, with the remainder classified as poor or very poor. The East-West Road, conceived in the 1970s to bind the entire Niger Delta, remains unfinished in critical sections more than four decades after. If it had been treated as a priority, the perennial gridlock, carnage, and economic loss on the Eleme-Refinery junction would have long been consigned to history.
The irony is as painful as it is glaring. The Niger Delta remains the goose that lays the golden eggs. Data from the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative [NEITI 2023 Oil and Gas Audit] show that the region still accounts for over 78 per cent of Nigeria’s federally collected export earnings and about 65 per cent of total government revenue. The National Bureau of Statistics [NBS Foreign Trade Report Q4 2024] similarly confirms that crude oil continues to dominate export receipts. By every metric of equity and economic logic, a region that sustains the national purse deserves first-rate consideration in the allocation of infrastructure, not afterthoughts and tokenism.
Road infrastructure is not largesse to be dispensed by favour; it is the skeleton upon which commerce, cohesion, and citizenship hang. When contracts are concentrated in one geopolitical zone while other zones are left to contend with craters, it erodes trust in the federation itself. The World Bank’s Nigeria Development Update [June 2023] estimated that poor transport connectivity inflates the cost of moving goods by up to 40 per cent and costs the Nigerian economy an estimated $1.5 billion annually in lost man-hours and vehicle maintenance. If we profess to be one country, then equity must be the compass that guides key institutions before any project is executed. Development must spread round, not pool in one place as though other regions do not matter.
There is also a grave security dimension that can no longer be ignored. The deplorable condition of federal roads has become a veritable enabler of criminality. The NBS Crime Experience and Security Perception Survey reported over 2.5 million incidents of kidnapping-related occurrences nationally, with transport workers identifying bad road spots as prime ambush points. When vehicles are forced to crawl at 10 kilometres per hour through failed sections at Auchi, Sapele Road, or Eleme, they become sitting ducks for armed gangs. Fixing bad roads, therefore, is not merely about convenience; it is about safeguarding lives.
By his intervention, Senator Oshiomhole has hit the nail on the head and reminded Minister Umahi of a fundamental constitutional truth: public office is held in trust. The Ministry of Works is not a personal estate where contracts are awarded according to whim or political convenience. It is a national institution funded by the collective resources of Nigerians, including the oil and gas rents from the very communities whose roads are now neglected. The Minister must demonstrate balance, transparency, and a pan-Nigerian outlook in the distribution of projects that impact the daily existence of citizens. Selective neglect breeds suspicion, and suspicion is corrosive at a time when the nation is preaching unity, oneness, equity, and justice.
Consequently, the National Assembly must go beyond rhetoric and assert its oversight powers with vigour. Sections 88 and 89 of the 1999 Constitution [as amended] empower the legislature to investigate and expose any maladministration in the execution of federal projects. If an office holder is not acting rightly, it is the duty of the Senate and the House of Representatives to call him to order. Oversight must not be reduced to budget approval ceremonies; it must translate to field verification, public hearings, and insistence that the Federal Character principle, as enshrined in Section 14(3) of the Constitution, reflects in road awards.
Let the Auchi-Okene, Benin-Warri, Benin-Asaba, and Eleme East-West gangways be restored to motorable dignity. Let priority be given to completing existing, economically vital roads before embarking on new ones. If those who, through their resources, sustain the federation are sidelined in the distribution of tangible dividends, it tells poorly of our nationhood. Bad roads must be fixed, and they must be fixed now, with fairness as the guiding standard.
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