Editorial
UNIPORT: That Protest For VC’s Appointment
About 10 days ago, staff and students of the University of Port Harcourt (UNIPORT) who are of Ikwerre extraction disrupted all academic, business and social activities of that institution in protest against what they perceived to be a plot by the university’s Governing Council to prevent their kinsmen from contesting the position of vice chancellor of that institution.
During this protest, they were said to have been joined by members of youth bodies of Ikwerre ethnic nationality with whom they barricaded the busy East-West Road axis of the university chanting war songs. They were obviously protesting the advertisement in some national dailies two weeks prior, for the position of Vice Chancellor, and particularly the requirement that all those interested in contesting for the post must be professors with not less than eight years experience.
Also they were disatisfied and further aggrieved that their hope of having an Ikwerre indigene replace the incumbent VC, Professor Don Baridam, at the expiration of his tenure, in June this year, may come to naught.
We gathered that the protesters, apparently not done with their rampaging within and around the university community, a few days later, carried their protest to Government House, Port Harcourt, though in a more peaceful manner.
Their main grouse was that in the 35 years existence of the university, no Ikwerre man has been appointed as VC even when the institution is situated on Ikwerre soil, whereas the other ethnic groups in the state, according to them, have had their turns at occupying this office. The institution’s Governing Council, they suspect, is using the eight years professorial policy to scheme out Ikwerres from the contest, knowing that all the Ikwerre professors possess less than this requirement.
While The Tide is not against the demand of Ikwerres, or any other ethnic group for that matter, to have one of their own occupy an exalted position like the VC’s, we insist that such demands should be based on stipulated rules. UNIPORT is a federal institution where anybody is entitled to aspire for whatever office based on already established rules. And if for any reason (s), anybody or group feels short-changed or suspects any foul play, there are more civilized ways of expressing grievances to the appropriate authorities which, of course, includes seeking legal redress rather than resorting to street protests that can easily be hijacked by hoodlums to cause public mayhem.
We also believe that expressing grievances through such violent methods is even counter- productive to the cause being pursued as it is capable of rousing suspicion towards a possible hidden agenda. What’s more, the said protest is capable of sending the wrong message to an already gullible populace to think that a people on whose land virtually all the tertiary institutions in the state are situated should be agitating against a mere eight-year minimum professorial requirement when in fact they should have been the ones asking for the raising of the requirements. To be sure, people are wont to wonder why after 35 years on Ikwerre land, UNIPORT is not already awash with Ikwerre professors of more than eight years standing, including those who would have relocated from other universities, both local and foreign.
Perhaps, the Ikwerres embarked on their protest following experiences in some other universities where groups or even states agitated for their sons and daughters to be appointed as vice chancellors. But while our Ikwerre brethren are seeing the eight years minimum requirement as being on the high side, a certain group which is routing for a particular vice chancellorship candidate at the Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, is insisting that since “the Federal Ministry of Education stipulated a 10-year professorial qualification,” such must be strictly followed. Even so, their protest came in the form of a petition against the ABU Governing Council and certainly not as a disruptive street demonstration.
If the present ranks of Ikwerre lecturers in UNIPORT cannot boast of an eligible VC candidate based on the Governing Council’s stipulated requirements, all that will be expected of them is to exercise patience. After all, there is no indication, as yet, to suggest that the Federal Government wishes to close down or relocate the institution. Whoever emerges VC now has a maximum of two tenures of eight years at the expiration of which the aggrieved Ikwerre professors will have been more eligible to contest even if the authorities decide to raise the minimum qualification above the now controversial eight years.
Just as we think that it is unnecessary for groups to begin to agitate for laid down rules to be bent in order to serve their purpose, we also wish to state that it is high time the Federal Ministry of Education and its subordinate agency, the National Universities Commission (NUC) insisted on having the best quality appointment of VCs in all universities irrespective of sex, state of origin, ethnicity, religion or whatever.
The most paramount consideration The Tide believes, ought to be merit, and nothing more.
Editorial
That Oshiomhole’s Call On FG’s Road Projects
There are moments in the life of a legislature when plain speaking becomes a public service. Senator Adams Oshiomhole provided such a moment on the floor of the Senate when he accused the Minister of Works, Senator David Umahi, of manifestly neglecting critical federal arteries in Edo and Delta States, and implored his colleagues to prevail on the Minister to adopt a more equitable and genuinely national approach to road infrastructure delivery. It was blunt, it was uncomfortable, and it was necessary.
The specifics of his complaint deserve restating. Drawing attention to the recent approval of some 20 new road projects despite the parlous state of existing ones, the former Edo State governor lamented that Nigerians cannot travel from Benin to Warri, Benin to Asaba, Benin to Auchi, or Auchi to Okene without encountering severe distress. He alleged a deliberate omission of these corridors from the national budget in the last three years, save for palliative interventions directed by President Bola Tinubu through tax credit arrangements. His question — “What have we done wrong?” — resonates far beyond the chambers of the National Assembly.
We lend our full and unequivocal support to that call. The Auchi-Benin Road, for instance, has been in a deplorable and near-impassable condition for several years, turning what should be a two-hour journey into an all-day ordeal of broken axles, extortionate fares, and despondent commuters. The media have, on multiple occasions, chronicled the suffering of motorists, traders, and students who ply that route. To describe it as a federal road today is to stretch the meaning of the term beyond recognition.
This pattern of sidelining is not confined to Edo or Delta. Even here in Rivers State, the disposition of the Federal Ministry of Works has left much to be desired, particularly along the Eleme axis of the East-West Road. That road, which ought to be a flagship of federal presence in the Niger Delta, has remained in a wretched state for long. Those who use it daily — workers at the Eleme Petrochemical Complex, the two refineries, Onne Port, and the countless ancillary industries — can attest to its deterioration. Work has proceeded in fits and starts without the sustained urgency such a strategic road demands.
The Eleme stretch is not a mere intra-state byway. It is the gateway to the nation’s economic jugular. According to the Federal Ministry of Works and Housing’s 2023 Highway Condition Survey, only about 35 per cent of the country’s 36,000 kilometres of federal roads are rated as being in good or fair condition, with the remainder classified as poor or very poor. The East-West Road, conceived in the 1970s to bind the entire Niger Delta, remains unfinished in critical sections more than four decades after. If it had been treated as a priority, the perennial gridlock, carnage, and economic loss on the Eleme-Refinery junction would have long been consigned to history.
The irony is as painful as it is glaring. The Niger Delta remains the goose that lays the golden eggs. Data from the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative [NEITI 2023 Oil and Gas Audit] show that the region still accounts for over 78 per cent of Nigeria’s federally collected export earnings and about 65 per cent of total government revenue. The National Bureau of Statistics [NBS Foreign Trade Report Q4 2024] similarly confirms that crude oil continues to dominate export receipts. By every metric of equity and economic logic, a region that sustains the national purse deserves first-rate consideration in the allocation of infrastructure, not afterthoughts and tokenism.
Road infrastructure is not largesse to be dispensed by favour; it is the skeleton upon which commerce, cohesion, and citizenship hang. When contracts are concentrated in one geopolitical zone while other zones are left to contend with craters, it erodes trust in the federation itself. The World Bank’s Nigeria Development Update [June 2023] estimated that poor transport connectivity inflates the cost of moving goods by up to 40 per cent and costs the Nigerian economy an estimated $1.5 billion annually in lost man-hours and vehicle maintenance. If we profess to be one country, then equity must be the compass that guides key institutions before any project is executed. Development must spread round, not pool in one place as though other regions do not matter.
There is also a grave security dimension that can no longer be ignored. The deplorable condition of federal roads has become a veritable enabler of criminality. The NBS Crime Experience and Security Perception Survey reported over 2.5 million incidents of kidnapping-related occurrences nationally, with transport workers identifying bad road spots as prime ambush points. When vehicles are forced to crawl at 10 kilometres per hour through failed sections at Auchi, Sapele Road, or Eleme, they become sitting ducks for armed gangs. Fixing bad roads, therefore, is not merely about convenience; it is about safeguarding lives.
By his intervention, Senator Oshiomhole has hit the nail on the head and reminded Minister Umahi of a fundamental constitutional truth: public office is held in trust. The Ministry of Works is not a personal estate where contracts are awarded according to whim or political convenience. It is a national institution funded by the collective resources of Nigerians, including the oil and gas rents from the very communities whose roads are now neglected. The Minister must demonstrate balance, transparency, and a pan-Nigerian outlook in the distribution of projects that impact the daily existence of citizens. Selective neglect breeds suspicion, and suspicion is corrosive at a time when the nation is preaching unity, oneness, equity, and justice.
Consequently, the National Assembly must go beyond rhetoric and assert its oversight powers with vigour. Sections 88 and 89 of the 1999 Constitution [as amended] empower the legislature to investigate and expose any maladministration in the execution of federal projects. If an office holder is not acting rightly, it is the duty of the Senate and the House of Representatives to call him to order. Oversight must not be reduced to budget approval ceremonies; it must translate to field verification, public hearings, and insistence that the Federal Character principle, as enshrined in Section 14(3) of the Constitution, reflects in road awards.
Let the Auchi-Okene, Benin-Warri, Benin-Asaba, and Eleme East-West gangways be restored to motorable dignity. Let priority be given to completing existing, economically vital roads before embarking on new ones. If those who, through their resources, sustain the federation are sidelined in the distribution of tangible dividends, it tells poorly of our nationhood. Bad roads must be fixed, and they must be fixed now, with fairness as the guiding standard.
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