Editorial
2015: Checking Excessive Spending
The issue of spending at electioneering has
always been a challenge even in the advanced democracies. This is more so because when the electoral process is excessively monetised, not only would the ordinary man not be able to vote according to his conscience, but the entire system would be endangered.
All over the advanced democracies, great care is taken to regulate where donations to parties can come from, how much can be allowed from a single donor and how it is spent. Not only are there legislations backing them the authorities take time to monitor the process.
Interestingly, Nigeria also has aspects of this legislation under the Electoral Act, but even when its enforcement has been a problem, some politicians are kicking against the ceiling on electoral spending. Sadly, even President Goodluck Jonathan says the sum allowed is too inadequate.
According to the Electoral Act, a presidential candidate can only spend a maximum of N1 billion naira, while a governorship candidate is to spend N200 million, a Senate candidate to spend N40m and a House of Representatives candidate should not spend more than N20 million.
Similarly, those aspiring for the State Houses of Assembly are allowed to spend N10 million, Local Government Chairman is to spend N10 million, while councillors are to spend N1 million. Of course, there are also sanctions for contravening the law ranging from fines to jail terms.
While these provisions have been flouted severally by nearly all the parties, even at the elections held recently, there is no record of any party or politician that has been sanctioned. But why the issue had to come up at the current review of the Electoral Act is what the average Nigerian will need to know.
Perhaps, it should be put on record again that one of the reasons advanced for the advocacy for a one tenure term for the office of the President and State Governor was the scandalous cost of running elections every four years. To turn around to say that the ceiling stipulated by the Electoral Act was too small is capable of confusing the polity.
The truth of the matter is that elections are too expensive in Nigeria and should be condemned. The situation clearly rules out persons who may be very equipped with character, fear of God and zeal to serve because they cannot afford the millions required. This, on its own, promotes the political godfather syndrome that had become the bane of governance of the country.
Often, the ones that can afford such sums are political business-men who invest any sum and get into office and take back their money with a self determined interest from the public purse. Till date, nobody has been able to convince such political jobbers that what they are doing amounts to corruption, criminality and betrayal of public trust.
Clearly, if the system makes it look like the offices are for sale, not much can change for this country. Incidentally, the emphasis on money begins from the political parties that sell candidates form to as many persons as possible at such outrageous sums. Then the electorates openly demand to be paid to vote with the mindset that the candidate would go into office and steal any way.
The Tide thinks that it is high time the situation changed. According to a writer, it is only a mentally retarded fellow that would continue to do something the same way every time and expect different result. Nigerians must stop the emphasis on money in all spheres of our national life.
In the first place we cannot understand why Nigeria should continue to give electoral grants to political parties who have so much money to spend. It is no longer secret that Nigeria has about 60 registered political parties because of the huge sums paid to them every election year. Meanwhile, only four parties are visible, while the rest fail to grab even a councillorship seat across the country.
We think that because too much money is brought to the scene, the old and time valued political campaigns are lost. Instead, what we have is a do or die approach that results in the arming of jobless youths to kill fellow Nigerians over political offices that are here today and gone tomorrow. Of course, the reason is that “I cannot spend all that money and fail.”
That is why the National Assembly must put the interest of the nation first as they review the Electoral Act. They must stop grants to parties and bring down the number of parties, reduce the ceiling on spending and insist on empowering INEC to sanction any and all defaulters.
Editorial
That Oshiomhole’s Call On FG’s Road Projects
There are moments in the life of a legislature when plain speaking becomes a public service. Senator Adams Oshiomhole provided such a moment on the floor of the Senate when he accused the Minister of Works, Senator David Umahi, of manifestly neglecting critical federal arteries in Edo and Delta States, and implored his colleagues to prevail on the Minister to adopt a more equitable and genuinely national approach to road infrastructure delivery. It was blunt, it was uncomfortable, and it was necessary.
The specifics of his complaint deserve restating. Drawing attention to the recent approval of some 20 new road projects despite the parlous state of existing ones, the former Edo State governor lamented that Nigerians cannot travel from Benin to Warri, Benin to Asaba, Benin to Auchi, or Auchi to Okene without encountering severe distress. He alleged a deliberate omission of these corridors from the national budget in the last three years, save for palliative interventions directed by President Bola Tinubu through tax credit arrangements. His question — “What have we done wrong?” — resonates far beyond the chambers of the National Assembly.
We lend our full and unequivocal support to that call. The Auchi-Benin Road, for instance, has been in a deplorable and near-impassable condition for several years, turning what should be a two-hour journey into an all-day ordeal of broken axles, extortionate fares, and despondent commuters. The media have, on multiple occasions, chronicled the suffering of motorists, traders, and students who ply that route. To describe it as a federal road today is to stretch the meaning of the term beyond recognition.
This pattern of sidelining is not confined to Edo or Delta. Even here in Rivers State, the disposition of the Federal Ministry of Works has left much to be desired, particularly along the Eleme axis of the East-West Road. That road, which ought to be a flagship of federal presence in the Niger Delta, has remained in a wretched state for long. Those who use it daily — workers at the Eleme Petrochemical Complex, the two refineries, Onne Port, and the countless ancillary industries — can attest to its deterioration. Work has proceeded in fits and starts without the sustained urgency such a strategic road demands.
The Eleme stretch is not a mere intra-state byway. It is the gateway to the nation’s economic jugular. According to the Federal Ministry of Works and Housing’s 2023 Highway Condition Survey, only about 35 per cent of the country’s 36,000 kilometres of federal roads are rated as being in good or fair condition, with the remainder classified as poor or very poor. The East-West Road, conceived in the 1970s to bind the entire Niger Delta, remains unfinished in critical sections more than four decades after. If it had been treated as a priority, the perennial gridlock, carnage, and economic loss on the Eleme-Refinery junction would have long been consigned to history.
The irony is as painful as it is glaring. The Niger Delta remains the goose that lays the golden eggs. Data from the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative [NEITI 2023 Oil and Gas Audit] show that the region still accounts for over 78 per cent of Nigeria’s federally collected export earnings and about 65 per cent of total government revenue. The National Bureau of Statistics [NBS Foreign Trade Report Q4 2024] similarly confirms that crude oil continues to dominate export receipts. By every metric of equity and economic logic, a region that sustains the national purse deserves first-rate consideration in the allocation of infrastructure, not afterthoughts and tokenism.
Road infrastructure is not largesse to be dispensed by favour; it is the skeleton upon which commerce, cohesion, and citizenship hang. When contracts are concentrated in one geopolitical zone while other zones are left to contend with craters, it erodes trust in the federation itself. The World Bank’s Nigeria Development Update [June 2023] estimated that poor transport connectivity inflates the cost of moving goods by up to 40 per cent and costs the Nigerian economy an estimated $1.5 billion annually in lost man-hours and vehicle maintenance. If we profess to be one country, then equity must be the compass that guides key institutions before any project is executed. Development must spread round, not pool in one place as though other regions do not matter.
There is also a grave security dimension that can no longer be ignored. The deplorable condition of federal roads has become a veritable enabler of criminality. The NBS Crime Experience and Security Perception Survey reported over 2.5 million incidents of kidnapping-related occurrences nationally, with transport workers identifying bad road spots as prime ambush points. When vehicles are forced to crawl at 10 kilometres per hour through failed sections at Auchi, Sapele Road, or Eleme, they become sitting ducks for armed gangs. Fixing bad roads, therefore, is not merely about convenience; it is about safeguarding lives.
By his intervention, Senator Oshiomhole has hit the nail on the head and reminded Minister Umahi of a fundamental constitutional truth: public office is held in trust. The Ministry of Works is not a personal estate where contracts are awarded according to whim or political convenience. It is a national institution funded by the collective resources of Nigerians, including the oil and gas rents from the very communities whose roads are now neglected. The Minister must demonstrate balance, transparency, and a pan-Nigerian outlook in the distribution of projects that impact the daily existence of citizens. Selective neglect breeds suspicion, and suspicion is corrosive at a time when the nation is preaching unity, oneness, equity, and justice.
Consequently, the National Assembly must go beyond rhetoric and assert its oversight powers with vigour. Sections 88 and 89 of the 1999 Constitution [as amended] empower the legislature to investigate and expose any maladministration in the execution of federal projects. If an office holder is not acting rightly, it is the duty of the Senate and the House of Representatives to call him to order. Oversight must not be reduced to budget approval ceremonies; it must translate to field verification, public hearings, and insistence that the Federal Character principle, as enshrined in Section 14(3) of the Constitution, reflects in road awards.
Let the Auchi-Okene, Benin-Warri, Benin-Asaba, and Eleme East-West gangways be restored to motorable dignity. Let priority be given to completing existing, economically vital roads before embarking on new ones. If those who, through their resources, sustain the federation are sidelined in the distribution of tangible dividends, it tells poorly of our nationhood. Bad roads must be fixed, and they must be fixed now, with fairness as the guiding standard.
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