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It’s ECOWAS Of People, Not Coup Plotters

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The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) announced recently that the three-member nations where coup plotters overthrew elected governments had finally. The three exiting West African countries of Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger Republic. I have nothing but condemnation for unelected soldiers overthrowing elected representatives. Interstingly, ECOWAS leaders had a summit, where they said the organisation should be less about the regional leaders and more about the people. They emphasised “ECOWAS of people”.
The leaders wanted people to be more interconnected, not just the leaders who routinely held summits. So, they introduced measures to ensure that people had this sense of community with people across member nations. How the latest decisions taken by ECOWAS leaders regarding the three exiting nations contribute to this is my focus here. In the statement the leaders put out, I noticed they chose to leave the coup plotters to do their thing while ensuring that channels were left open for contact between their citizens and the rest of the people in the region.
I believe the thinking of the ECOWAS leaders aligns with the views I have been expressing online in the past few months regarding this matter. They are as follows: Earlier on when Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger Republic announced that they formed an alliance, I stated that they could have their alliance and still be in ECOWAS. Actually, ECOWAS, like other international bodies, is an amalgamation of nations involved in different alliances. The European Union and African Union were formed by nations that had diverse alliances among themselves. In West Africa, there were the French-speaking and English-speaking nations in alliances with France and Britain at the time ECOWAS was formed. There are other alliances based on the currency that French-speaking ECOWAS members use i.e. the CFA. Some economic and military sub-alliances remain ECOWAS functions. Even currently some West African nations jointly combat insurgency and other challenges. ECOWAS recognises them and encourages their initiatives as such help promote ECOWAS’ regional integration objective.
Furthermore, ECOWAS should take its time regarding the three exiting nations since we know that one administration goes and another comes, but a nation and its people remain. Policies in nations can change over time depending on who is in power. Therefore, ECOWAS leaders should take a long-term view of relations with the exiting nations, noting that international relations are not conducted just for the short- and medium-term, but mostly the long term. There is a long-term for the three nations in question. Whoever thinks they can rule forever with the gun, having the illusion that they are the only messiah their people have, will ultimately face reality.
In addition, ECOWAS leaders should undertake measures which ensure that democratic forces in the three nations are assisted and strengthened to demand a return to civil rule. This to me is the viable route to follow for now. Nonetheless, my expressed views did not gloss over the grudges civilians in the three nations might have against their elected leaders. Arguments about discontent among citizens are ones that some use to justify soldiers in politics. To me it is unacceptable. I stated after the latest coup in the Niger Republic that if people did not like the manner an elected leader frolicked with foreign nations perceived to be fleecing them, the better solution was to mobilise and elect leaders who represented their view on such matters.
To me, soldiers in politics are never the solution to a country’s problems. Soldiers would regiment abracadabra, introducing populist policies that are not assimilated by citizens, and when they go the same citizens return to power. We have seen this across the continent, and I am surprised some still praise soldiers in politics for any reason whatsoever. The reality is that after the initial welcome party, citizens who are muzzled by draconian laws that soldiers make would begin to gather around a cause to return to civilian rule. If this is resisted, the confusion that follows creates conditions for whatever dictators are built to be destroyed. It happened in Libya and other African nations. In Guinea, another West African nation where coup plotters are in power, civilians have begun to stage protests over the agreed transition programme that coup plotters repeatedly ignore.
Back to the thinking of ECOWAS leaders when they announced the final withdrawal of the three nations. They say ECOWAS member nations would continue to recognise all passports and identity cards bearing the ECOWAS logo held by citizens of Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger Republic. The countries would also remain in the bloc’s free-trade scheme. Interestingly, the chairman of the alliance formed by the coup plotters and Mali’s dictator said months ago that the right of ECOWAS citizens to enter, circulate, reside, establish and leave the territories of their new alliance would be maintained. So, coup plotters too want to maintain relationships with people from ECOWAS member nations. Lately, the dictator in Burkina Faso attended the swearing-in ceremony of Ghana’s new president. The three landlocked nations know they cannot close their borders; if they do they will suffer the consequences more. And who casually crosses borders for all manner of reasons? People. The three heads of coup plotters can shut themselves up in their respective nations’ capitals, but their peoples continue to meet others as one community as ECOWAS leadership envisions it.
I think the people-to-people aspect in regional relations has informed most measures adopted by ECOWAS leadership regarding the exiting nations. They should continue on this path. They isolate the coup plotters that way. Coup plotters can gather under their alliance, but a sense of community shared by their people with other people in the region will outlive their different administrations. This consciousness of one community actually informed how ECOWAS leaders did not invade the Niger Republic to restore the ousted elected leader as initially planned. For instance, it took the intervention of the traditional and religious institutions in northern Nigeria, who spoke persuasively about their bonds with peoples across the Nigerian-Nigerien borders for President Bola Tinubu to suspend the plan.
The same sense of a shared community made state governors, traditional leaders, and policymakers from Nigeria, Niger Republic, Chad and Cameroon gather lately for the Lake Chad Basin Governors’ Forum.
Ajibade wrote in from Lagos.

There they discussed mutual challenges in their localities and how to alleviate them. Meanwhile, worries expressed by some about the withdrawal of the three nations are legitimate. However, I have been stating that those who withdraw have more to lose than ECOWAS members. If security worsens across West Africa, ECOWAS member nations have better support systems. Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger Republic now depend on Russia for support. That is a nation that, though it can help create a nuisance situation, is itself having internal and external challenges.
As things stand, the three exiting nations and their Russian allies suffer heavy losses at the hands of insurgents. Niger Republic’s plan to export crude oil has met with setbacks in Benin Republic. Ultimately, we should not forget that certain human experiences made Libyans under Ghaddafi, for instance, become disenchanted. It made them desire to connect better with the rest of the world and be led by elected representatives. Peoples of the three nations exiting ECOWAS cannot be different if political history is anything to go by.

Tunji Ajibade

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Opinion

Judicial Fraud And Land Grabbing

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About six years ago, my client, a UK-based Nigerian widow, became the target of an audacious scheme orchestrated by a notorious syndicate of land grabbers operating under the guise of a land owning family in Ikeja, Lagos. Their objective was clear: to dispossess her of her rightful ownership of three plots of land situated behind the former Tasty Fried Chicken building on Opebi Road, Ikeja. In a disturbing abuse of judicial process, these individuals approached a Magistrate Court then at Ikeja Local Airport, and by misrepresentation and fraudulent manipulation, secured a writ of possession against my client. It appeared their strategy was anchored on the assumption that the rightful owner was deceased. However, unknown to them, my client was very much alive, she only passed on last year.
Following this fraudulent judgment, the land grabbers, aided by a lawyer with an infamous reputation in the Ikeja axis for such sharp practices, took swift and forceful possession of the land. They began advertising the property to prospective buyers, offering each plot for several millions of naira. Upon being alerted by my client’s tenants, I conducted a search and discovered that the defendants had surreptitiously instituted the action using one of their own as the purported adverse party, who did not contest possession. Realising the magnitude of the fraud, I promptly secured my client’s Certificate of Occupancy and filed an application for joinder and a motion to set aside the judgment, backed by robust documentary evidence and affidavits deposing to the true facts.
The defendants, in a desperate and laughable defence, relied on a purported judgment allegedly delivered in the 1920s, claiming global ownership of lands stretching from Ikeja to Agege. When pressed to produce a survey plan or other definitive means of delineating the land covered by such a judgment, they failed woefully. The supposed plan was neither attached nor frontloaded.Fortunately, the presiding Magistrate, a sharp, fearless, and principled judicial officer saw through the deception and set aside the judgment accordingly.
What followed was a calculated legal standoff. After some days passed, I anticipated that the defendants would file a notice of appeal along with a motion for stay of execution, I acted strategically: by 8:00 a.m. of that day, possession had been recovered, effectively foreclosing their efforts to frustrate justice. They served their notice of appeal and motion for stay by 9:00am as I had anticipated.
Predictably, they resorted to harassment by filing a spurious petition at the Lagos State Police Command, alleging trespass. When that failed, they escalated the matter to the Assistant Inspector General of Police at Zone 2, Onikan. However, following a comprehensive review of all court documents and the title records, the Assistant Commissioner of Police, an officer of commendable integrity, sternly warned the fraudulent parties and their counsel never to return with such frivolous claims. He also threatened legal consequences for presenting forged or misleading documents. Regrettably, such land-grabbing tactics are far from isolated. I am presently handling another similar matter at the High Court of Lagos State, Ikeja Judicial Division. In this case, a property owner based in Jos, who has been in undisturbed possession of his land since before the Nigerian Civil War, was excluded from a suit for possession. The Plaintiffs falsely claimed adverse possession and obtained judgment using a family member as a nominal defendant. This is a land that had been returned to the owner (my client) by the Lagos State Government post-war, after a temporary wartime acquisition.
That matter is ongoing, and we remain confident that justice will again prevail. These cases serve as stark reminders of how certain individuals exploit procedural loopholes, such as substituted service and fictitious defendants, to perpetrate judicial fraud. It is common practice for notices of service to be pasted at the premises at odd hours, quickly photographed, and removed before anyone notices, thereby fabricating compliance with due process. This modus operandi, if not checked, undermines the integrity of our justice system. It may very well explain the plight Mr. Peter Obi’s brother, whose reported dispossession, despite a valid Certificate of Occupancy and long-standing possession, calls for judicial scrutiny and legal redress. While the wheels of justice may turn slowly, they remain capable of grinding exceedingly fine, provided legal practitioners act with diligence, and judicial officers remain vigilant and impartial.
There is a compelling need to amend our procedural rules regarding the use of unnamed or unknown persons as defendants in land litigation. Courts, both at High Court and Magistrate level – should be mandated to conduct locus in quo inspections where defendants are purportedly unknown or where substituted service is claimed. Such reforms will deter fraudulent practices and restore public confidence in the judiciary.In conclusion, let it be reaffirmed: the Nigerian legal system, though imperfect, is still a formidable instrument for the protection of property rights when wielded with integrity, precision, and tenacity.
Ubani, is a legal practitioner and public affairs analyst, Legal Advisor of Assemblies of God, Nigeria.

By: Monday Onyekachi Ubani

 

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Opinion

Why Not Ban Alcohol Sachets?

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As the National Agency for Food and Drug Administration and Control (NAFDAC), contemplates banning the production, distribution and consumption of sachet alcoholic beverages across Nigeria, the move has raised mixed reactions among Nigerians and interest groups. According to NAFDAC the proliferation of sachet alcoholic beverages has been linked to abusive usage resulting in increased health complications, and drunk driving that causes road accidents. The Federal Road Safety Commission (FRSC) corroborates some of NAFDAC’s claims. FRSC records show that the 10,617 road accidents recorded in 2023 were due mostly to over speeding and drunk driving.
It is noteworthy that the availability of alcohol in less than 200ml PET bottles and in sachets, makes alcohol quickly consumable even during work hours. Without standardised packaging and regulatory labelling compliances, most of these sachet products are unregistered, come with questionable contents and form the bulk of illicit alcohol. Though lesser in volume, their high alcohol concentrations makes them highly intoxicating. Their ready availability at motor-parks, increase over-indulgence by commercial drivers, most of whom thereafter mount the wheels on low mental alertness.
Alcohol is known to reduce mental acuity and consciousness of the mind. Endowing its addicts with elixir feelings that momentarily blur reality, the alcohol effect additionally boosts self-rating and confidence, placing addicts on realms of happy possibilities where almost every dream is attainable, even if unrealistically. By the time the effect wanes addicts are known to be sad to face stark reality, which is why most are prone to retaking repeated doses to shoot themselves back to the fantasy world. Such fantasy is also the reason many youths and adults would rather invest daily in game-betting gambles than invest in micro innovations that guarantee real economic advancements.
The dawn of neo-medicinal alcohol being marketed in sachets as herbal remedies for organ cleansing, aphrodisiacs, anti- malarial and diabetes cures, is drawing increasing patronage from gullible Nigerians, even as these claims remain medically questionable. Following the rising patronage, all shades of manufacturing quackery are currently cashing-out from the market. Because of the harmful health effects of quack products, it is no wonder that sicknesses relating to organ-damage and male impotency are on the increase. Apart from drunk-driving and the health risks posed by over-indulgence in alcohols, the precious time wasted by addicts in unproductive day-dreams, which should have been deployed to meaningful economic ventures, is also a concern. In times of economic difficulties, as presently facing many Nigerians, there is need for mental clarity to enable one articulate ways out of hardships.
These outcomes may have informed NAFDAC’s decision to pursue banning easily consumable volumes of alcohol. If the ban becomes successful, those who like alcoholic drinks would still enjoy them by taking bigger packs which are low in concentration. Bigger bottles are likely to be consumed at leisure times after work due to their sizes. At that point, most consumers must have spent a productive day, yet have time to enjoy some booze. NAFDAC’s decision to ban unhealthy, anti-productive alcohol packs should therefore be encouraged. It is however, unfortunate that even as NAFDAC had set a long-term goal to achieve the ban, from as far back as 2018, through the then Minister of Health, Prof. Isaac Folorunsho Adewole, and had engaged manufacturers on a five-year phase-out plan, the ban has failed to materialise. This is despite the signing of a five-year moratorium document between the Distillers and Blenders Association of Nigeria (DIBAN) and the Association of Food and Beverage & Tobacco Employers (AFBTE) on one hand, and the Ministry of Health, NAFDAC and the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Commission (ECCPC), on the other.
Recall that same year, the minister had out-rightly banned over-the counter use of codeine syrups following a BBC documentary on the consequences of its abusive use in Nigeria. NAFDAC’s inability to check the indiscriminate use of sachet alcohol years after the expiration of the signed moratorium highlights how vested interests may stifle good institutional objectives. It becomes worrisome when the pressure on NAFDAC to shelve the ban on harmful alcohol is coming through a hallowed institution, like the House of Representatives. NAFDAC had swiftly introduced the ban on February 1, 2024 after the expiration of the five-year moratorium. But no sooner had the House come upon it to lift the ban. At the moment, the ban stands temporarily lifted till December 2025 even as lobbies intensify.
For the house to claim that “the ban was ill-timed because of the current economic conditions, staggering unemployment, soaring inflation and high rate of poverty,” it raises many questions about the rationale of members of the house, considering the correlation between alcohol addiction and the inability to exit poverty. Members of the legislature should be from the finest minds who go for the sublime. Why would members of the House choose to endorse a situation that is currently ensnaring many into addiction and anti-social behaviours, than safeguard societal sanity? Even as members of the house argue that sachet alcohol sales is sustaining some micro businesses, the anti-social behaviour and health risks engendered by such sales out-weigh any derivable economic benefits.
Opponents of the ban who support the house may also argue that the ban targets low-income earners who patronise sachet products due to affordability, and may further point out that substitutes of other herbal/alcoholic concoctions being marketed as health remedies are available through unregulated markets. Bowing to such arguments would mean that NAFDAC should choose a defeatist position, wherein it has been overwhelmed at discharging its core mandate of safeguarding the health of the nation. As NAFDAC mediates through legislative challenges and lobby groups, members of the executive should bear on the assembly to allow the institution pursue its core goals. Not doing so would be to build a nation of drunkards, where lunatics roam the streets.

By: Joseph Nwankwor

 

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Opinion

Why Reduce Cut-Off Mark for C.O.E ?

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Quote:”Although the idea of lowering the cut-off to below the pass mark of 200 does not sit well with many Nigerians. 35.5% in any examination anywhere in the world is a fail. And no candidate that scores below 200 should ideally be considered for admission into any tertiary institution in the country.”
Recently, the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB) and the tertiary education stakeholders approved 150 as the benchmark for admission into universities and 100 for polytechnics and colleges of education for the 2025/2026 academic session. They, However, clarified that no tertiary institutions should admit students who score below the approved scores, but institutions can still fix higher cut-off marks for their applicants. This has remained the pattern over the years. Higher scores are required to go into universities while applicants with lower scores are welcomed in colleges of education and polytechnics. And the question is, why?  At first glance, the disparity in the entry requirements into universities and colleges of education may appear to be a flexible, inclusive approach to higher education access. However, a deeper look reveals that pegging the college of education cut-off mark so low is not only problematic but a threat to the quality of education and the dignity of the teaching profession in Nigeria.
By setting the minimum entry score for Colleges of Education at just 100 out of 400, the message being sent is loud and clear: teaching is not a profession that demands excellence. It is a profession for the “Olodos” This undermines every effort claimed to be made by the government and stakeholders to reposition teaching as a noble, intellectual, and competitive career. The same country that wants to raise the standard of education cannot afford to lower the standard for training those who will educate future generations. Colleges of Education are responsible for preparing teachers for Nigeria’s basic education sector. These are the people who will teach children in their formative years—the foundation of any nation’s future. If we continue to accept candidates with very low academic abilities into these institutions, how can we expect them to produce competent, inspiring, and innovative educators?
Accepting candidates who score as low as 25% on the UTME is a recipe for mediocrity. It sends a message that anyone can be a teacher, regardless of their intellectual preparation. This will not only dilute the quality of teachers but worsen the already low public perception of the profession. There are many students with strong academic credentials who are genuinely passionate about becoming educators. Setting the cut-off at 100 trivializes their efforts and sacrifices. It lumps them together with individuals who may not have the intellectual or emotional readiness for teaching, leading to overcrowded classrooms, underwhelming graduates, and frustrated employers.While universities are expected to maintain a cut-off mark of 150, colleges of education are effectively reduced to a dumping ground for low-performing candidates. This dichotomy creates a sense of inequality and inferiority around education colleges, when in fact, the reverse should be the case.
If anything, those training to shape young minds should meet standards equal to or higher than university students, not lower.The effects of this policy may not be immediately visible, but in the long run, they will be devastating. We are likely to see: a further decline in basic education outcomes. Someone joked that as the cut-off mark keeps dwindling every academic year, by 2030, the cut-off for the universities will be 100 and that of colleges of education and polytechnics reduced to 70 or 50. Who is fooling who?The chances of having more poorly trained teachers entering the public school system is inevitable. An irritated teacher recently lamented how the public schools are flooded with so-called teachers who do not know their left from their right, compelling the old teachers to do the job of teaching and training them.The low entry requirements to colleges of education can lead to higher attrition rates in the teaching profession due to unprepared candidates; diminished respect and remuneration for teachers; greater educational inequality between rural and urban areas and lots more.
It is therefore advised that rather than lowering standards, those in-charge of the education should raise entry requirements for Colleges of Education to at least 140 or 150 to align with university expectations. Although the idea of lowering the cut-off to below the pass mark of 200 does not sit well with many Nigerians. 35.5% in any examination anywhere in the world is a fail. And no candidate that scores below 200 should ideally be considered for admission into any tertiary institution in the country. As earlier stated, our colleges of education are now painfully places for poor grade students. That should be concerning to those in authority and stakeholders in the education sector. And this can only be corrected when our leaders pay adequate attention to our colleges of education. There should be improved funding and facilities in these institutions to attract top-tier candidates.
Incentives such as scholarships, housing, or job security should be provided for those who perform well and commit to teaching. Some corporate organisations have done this over the years and one thinks it is high time both federal, state and local government areas get visibly and sincerely involved. All over the world, teaching is regarded as a noble and professional career and the case shouldn’t be different in Nigeria. If we are truly serious about fixing Nigeria’s education system, we must start by fixing how we train our teachers. Lowering the cut-off mark to 100 for Colleges of Education is a step backward and a stain on our national conscience. We must demand excellence from those who will one day stand before our children—not just in words, but in policy. After all, the quality of education in any nation will never rise above the quality of its teachers.
The reason usually adduced for lowering the cut-off mark is candidates’ poor performance at entrance exams. And one wonders how lowering the bar will lead to higher performance. How will that challenge students to harder? One thinks it high time those in-charge of the education sector, parents, and teachers think of solving the problems bedeviling the sector from the root instead of the usual method of treating the symptom rather than the disease. There is an urgent need to prioritize the welfare and quality of teachers if we must expect better results. It is also important that the authorities look into the speculations that the lower cut-off is a ploy by some universities to get maximum payment for Post UTME, knowing that no candidate with less than 200 will be given admission into any department in the institutions. This kind of extortion should not be allowed to continue.
What is even the reason for double entrance examinations for a single admission. If UTME is no longer enough to earn admission into higher institutions in Nigeria then JAMB should be scrapped and higher institutions given the authority to conduct their own entrance examinations.On the other hand, if JAMB is still found worthy of conducting credible entrance examinations into tertiary institutions in the country, then we should do away with post UTME examinations. Our education sector must be sanitized for us to get the best, desired result
Calista Ezeaku
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