Editorial
Towards Minimum Wage Implementation
It is not surprising that organised labour is pushing for a wage review, as President Bola Tinubu’s economic re-
form has negatively impacted Nigerian workers. Since taking office last May, the economy has been in turmoil, leading to hardships for many employees. The need for a wage increase is vital as workers continue to bear the brunt of the economic downturn.
The implementation of minimum wages in Nigeria has historically faced several obstacles. Despite the government’s mandate to set and enforce a minimum wage for all workers, many employers, particularly state governors and in the informal sector, fail to comply. This widespread non-compliance undermines the objective of protecting workers from exploitation and ensuring a basic standard of living.
Numerous factors contribute to the challenge of implementing minimum wages in Nigeria. One major issue is the lack of effective enforcement mechanisms. The National Salaries, Incomes and Wages Commission (NSIWC) is responsible for enforcing the minimum wage, but its powers are often limited. Employers who violate the law often go unpunished due to weak enforcement and the high cost of legal proceedings for workers.
In the negotiations between the federal and state governments, a critical factor that must be considered is finding the right balance amidst the challenges posed by the country’s double-digit inflation rate, the growing national debt profile, and the pressing issue of ensuring timely payments from both state and federal authorities. Both levels of government must collaborate to address these economic concerns and come to a mutually beneficial agreement that prioritises the financial stability of the nation.
Things are not looking good. The organised labour, represented by the Nigeria Labour Congress and the Trade Union Congress, has proposed an astronomical jump from the current N30,000 per month to N650,000. While it is undeniable that the current rate of N30,000 is insufficient, the drastic increase to N650,000 is simply not realistic and may not be feasible for the government to implement. Both parties should find a middle ground that is fair and sustainable for all stakeholders involved.
The challenge before the minimum wage committee, which Tinubu inaugurated recently, is to find a realistic rate for all the parties concerned, including the private sector. This task is not an easy one, as there are various factors to consider when determining a fair minimum wage that benefits both workers and employers. The committee will need to take into account the cost of living, the current economic situation, as well as the financial capabilities of businesses, especially small and medium-sized enterprises.
Incidentally, the Nigerian economy is facing multiple challenges at the moment. With inflation at a staggering 29.90 per cent, a debt stock of N87.9 trillion, a high lending rate of 18.75 per cent, and a grossly devalued naira at N1,300 per $1, the cost-of-living crisis has worsened. The recent surge in food inflation, jumping to 35.41 per cent in January from 23.75 per cent the previous month has added to the economic woes. Moreover, the rapid price increases in petrol and diesel, essential for the economy, have further burdened the already distressed population.
Hence, the demand by labour for an upward wage review is justified given the rising cost of living and inflation. However, the government faces a dilemma in determining the appropriate rate of increment. Nigeria’s economic situation is dire, with debt servicing consuming a staggering 99 per cent of its revenue in the first quarter of 2023. Balancing the need to improve workers’ welfare with the constraints of the economy is a delicate task. The government must engage in constructive dialogue with labour to find a compromise that addresses their legitimate demands while ensuring the long-term sustainability of the economy.
Incidentally, the meeting between the Federal Government and the organised labour was deadlocked on Wednesday, as the government was reported to have offered a paltry N48,000 as the new minimum wage, which is a far cry from the N615,000 being demanded by labour.
Apparently irked by the Federal Government’s offer, representatives of labour were said to have stormed out of the meeting in protest. However, both parties still need to find a common ground to resolve this knotty issue. Constructive dialogue is key.
If the government succumbs to labour’s demands and borrows more to fund the wage increase, its financial stability will be further compromised. This could lead to a debt crisis, with severe consequences for the economy. The governing authorities must explore alternative revenue sources and implement prudent fiscal measures to address labour’s concerns without jeopardising the nation’s financial health.
Retrospectively, an excessively high minimum wage can pose challenges for States. When the wage was raised to N18,000 during the Goodluck Jonathan era, many States struggled to meet their salary obligations. As of October 2023, BudgIT reported that 15 states were still failing to pay the N30,000 minimum wage set by the Muhammadu Buhari administration in 2019. This situation has dire consequences for workers, who rely on their wages for sustenance.
The inability of States to pay the minimum wage is often attributed to their limited economic viability. Data from Economic Confidential indicates that only seven States are economically viable without federal allocations. This means that the majority of States rely heavily on federal support to meet their financial obligations. When the minimum wage is raised too high, States with weak economies may find it difficult to balance their budgets and fulfill their responsibilities to both workers and other sectors.
Any minimum wage that will be agreed upon should be sufficient to meet the needs of Nigerians. Unfortunately, many state governors have failed to implement the wage award approved by the Federal Government for civil servants, despite the high cost of living. This lack of action is unacceptable and shows a lack of appreciation for the struggles that public sector workers face. State governors should prioritise the well-being of their employees and ensure that they are able to make ends meet with the wages they receive.
We firmly advocate for the autonomy of state governments to streamline their workforce by retaining only those workers who demonstrate productivity. An example of this would be questioning the necessity of hiring typists in the era of advanced technology. Additionally, the rationale behind employing 20 drivers within a government agency deprived of operational vehicles may also be subject to scrutiny.
Many governors overlook the importance of paying their workers properly, which can have a positive impact on the overall productivity and economic growth of their States. States should have thriving industries that can create employment opportunities. Governors need to understand that low consumer demand can hinder the growth of businesses in their domains. They have to consider implementing efficient wage systems to ensure fair compensation for workers and foster economic development.
The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.