Editorial
Reliefs For Flood Victims
A dominant Nigerian problem is the diffident attitude by the authorities to issues of critical concern to the progress and sustenance of the citizenry. Hence, the citizens, especially the unremarkable people, have over the years constantly paid for leadership ineffectuality and deficiency in very huge magnitude.
An example is the recurring huge fatalities and massive devastation wreaked by yearly flooding across the country. Despite public commotion over the unnecessary occurrences leading to the disaster and exacerbate the situation, governments at all levels have often either exhibited a do-nothing attitude or paid outright lip service to the threats and advice from experts and professional bodies. Thus, the gamut of the loss of lives and properties to floods remains high, with the concomitant ripple effects on the socio-economic life of the country.
In May this year, the Nigeria Hydrological Services Agency (NIHSA) issued an alert that at least 102 local government areas in 28 states in the country were at risk of copious flooding. Similarly, in March 2012, 32 out of the 36 states were affected by flooding, in which more than 360 people were killed and almost two million displaced.
Then in 2016, more than 92,000 were displaced as flood wreaked havoc across the country. In 2017, the figure almost tripled as an estimated 250,000 Nigerians were sacked from their homes. Described as phenomenal, the 2012 flood reportedly impacted more than seven million people, with over 2.3 million persons displaced and 363 persons killed. The flood devastated about 597,476 houses in 34 states, with estimated damage and loss put at N2.6 trillion.
A similar disastrous episode observed in 2018 left in its wake pains, sorrow and wailing. It involved 2,321,592 people, killed 199 and displaced 722,741 persons. It equally destroyed over 100,000 houses. The catastrophe inflicted on the citizens by flood in 2019 was no least unbearable, as more than 130,934 people were affected, with 48,114 persons displaced and 126 people killed, just as 29,356 houses were wrecked.
An earlier admonitory by the NIHSA that the current flood level which it put at 7.02m sighted at Niamey, Niger Republic, posed a precarious threat to the country, seems to be a prediction that holds true with the states it named to be at greater risk already experiencing a hard time. The states are Kebbi, Jigawa, Kano, Sokoto, Niger, Kwara, Kogi, Anambra, Edo, Delta, Rivers and Bayelsa.
For example, reports on severe flooding this year showed that in Jigawa State, which witnessed the worst flooding in 34 years, at least 50,000 houses were destroyed in 17 out of the 27 local government areas in the state, with more than 100,000 hectares of rice farmland washed away. A total of 40 people lost their lives. In Kano, the worst-hit area was Danbatta, where around 7,000 houses were destroyed and four deaths were recorded. The death toll in Kebbi and Sokoto States were six and 15 respectively.
Despite early warnings each year, there is skimpy interest by the government at all levels to put resources where they are urgently needed. Rather, the government prefers to buy mattresses and other sundry items, enrich a few contractors and political sycophants rather than put money in research efforts that can yield results needed to prevent the flood from occurring in the first place.
The most immediate effect of this problem is that it might compound the already bad issue of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs). That is already happening. In the areas most affected, suffering, hunger and diseases of epidemic proportions are already in waiting. In our view, and considering what is already on the ground in IDPs’ camps scattered across the country, this will be one headache too many.
Sadly, states often adopt cosmetic measures such as clearing drainages amid rainfalls instead of taking pre-season, concrete, enduring and far-reaching actions to prevent flooding. It is inexplicable and depressing that increasingly the authorities are finding it difficult to think out of the box and proffer enduring solutions to flooding, which has made death so cheap for the common people.
Rivers State in particular is always found on the list of states to be flooded annually yet the government has not done more than the provision of relief materials. Unfortunately, several communities in the state were submerged in the water this year with very little help for the victims. Thus, we urge the state government in its usual charismatic manner to take the bull by the horn and be more proactive in proffering a lasting solution to perenial flooding in the State.
A state emergency response agency should be established to cater for disaster victims and end the dependence on the Federal Government for assistance, that never really comes.
We similarly urge local governments in the state to set up structures for assisting flood casualties since federal agencies only intervene at a stage of the flooding which may be too late. We suggest that both the local government councils and the state government jointly mitigate flooding at the preliminary stages to avoid colossal disaster.
Residents can also assist the government to prevent flooding of urban areas by desisting from building on water channels, avoid dumping of refuse in the drains and clear their drainages to accommodate volumes of water after each rainfall. The Sole Administrator of the Rivers State Waste Management Agency (RIWAMA), Bro Felix Obuah, has so much to do in this regard.
To call on the international community and donor agencies for aid each year flooding occurs may appear an attractive way out, but whatever comes from those sources will remain what they are meant to be – palliatives. The ultimate solution, therefore, is for the Nigerian authorities to do what they necessarily and urgently have to do to check this perennial disaster that is becoming a stigma because of the primitive approach to managing it.
The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.