Editorial
Beyond The S’ South Demands
After a last-minute cancellation of a meeting between the Presidency and stakeholders of the
South-South zone scheduled for November 17, 2020, representatives of the geo-political region recently met in Port Harcourt with a presidential delegation led by the Chief of Staff to the President, Prof. Ibrahim Gambari, and demanded a restructuring of the country to ensure true federalism and devolution of powers to the states as well as resource control.
Other demands included the relocation of the headquarters of all subsidiaries of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) to the region, revitalisation of the region’s Calabar, Port Harcourt and Warri ports, immediate privatisation of the three refineries in the region to make them functional and boost the economy of the zone, create and manage their police and security architecture under a federal structure.
The regional leaders also called for the relocation of the headquarters of major oil companies from Lagos and Abuja to the South-South region. Also, they requested the immediate implementation of the consent judgement entered in the Supreme Court Suit No: SC/964/2016 to enable the zone get its share of $55 billion shortfalls of collection on deep offshore and inland basin production sharing contracts.
The governors and stakeholders equally expressed concerns about the rot in the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) and observed that one of the major failures of the intervention agency was its refusal to forge and foster synergy, consultation and cooperation with the state governments, especially on project location, development and execution.
None of the demands by the South-South regional leaders is new as they have always been at our fingertips. Rather, we find it curious that the #EndSARS protests which unfortunately were limited to Southern Nigeria, and Abuja, the nation’s capital, have triggered a presidential stakeholders meeting.
Gambari is busy junketing across geo-political zones, all in the name of gathering information as to what could have been responsible for the anger that assailed the land. Interestingly, the South-South meeting took place only just recently after an initial failed meeting that drew heavy condemnations from leaders of the zone.
It is unclear what the stakeholders’ meeting was meant to achieve. If the meeting was designed for the presidential team to get information on the grievances that could have precipitated such widespread protests, that is enough proof that the Presidency is deaf to the lamentations across the land. This is, however, not strange for a government that renounced all it promised Nigerians that graciously voted it into power.
While The Tide salutes the governors and stakeholders of the region for making bold to ask for, particularly restructuring (a word the president and his Northern cliques hate to listen to), every other demand that was presented before the presidential team is in the public domain.
The clamour for restructuring has never been louder at any other time than this moment in our history. Some sectional groups which used to stand firmly against it have joined the call to remodel the political and administrative architecture of the country. The only group that continues to ask questions about the true intentions behind the clamour is the Arewa Consultative Forum, (ACF).
Nigerians know the country suffers badly over the refusal of the political leaders to agree on the need for fiscal federalism. No one can deny the fact that the economy is solely dependent on oil from the Niger Delta, and that the northern cabal in power sees this as a goldmine. Perhaps, they are waiting for the oil in the delta to be depleted after which they would rely on their resources and allow for resource control.
The controversy over the Zamfara gold which is not appropriated as a national resource like oil is probably a pointer of what could happen in the future. Surprisingly, this critical issue was not presented at the meeting. No law of the country permits Zamfara or any state government to control and manage gold or any other mineral deposits in the state. We cannot as a nation apply laws discriminately. If people are allowed to process their solid minerals, others should also be allowed to do the same for their oil.
If President Muhammadu Buhari seeks to understand the gravity of the anger of the #EndSARS protesters, his predecessor, Goodluck Jonathan, handed him a gift on the assumption of office. Buhari had often been asked to act on the constitutional conference materials as a blueprint to restructure the country. Even the decisions of the restructuring panel headed by Governor Nasir El-Rufai of Kaduna State which the All Progressives Congress (APC), constituted contains enough information for the president to act with and accomplish the demands of the South-South leaders.
As requests are constantly made for the development of the zone, past and some present governors from the area need to answer the question of what they have done so far with the over N50 trillion they have received from the Federal Government as 13 per cent derivation fund through the Federation Accounts all these years without any tangible, meaningful, and people-oriented human capital development to address the plights of the Niger Delta people. That would be fair to the entire Niger Delta struggle.
The seven-point demand of restructuring, true federalism, resource control, state police and others should be taken seriously by the federal authorities as we call for a deliberate understanding of the predicament and challenges of the region by our leaders, especially in terms of the degradation of the environment and waters. While we urge leaders of the region to articulate their positions and forward same to the National Assembly for necessary constitutional amendments, we ask the Federal Government to be disposed to the agitations or cease from developing other parts of the country with resources from the area. This is only fair in the interest of true federalism.
The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.