Editorial
Anti-Graft Law: Less Talk, More Action
One issue that has continued to dominate discussions and reviews at home and abroad is President Muhammadu Buhari’s famed anti-corruption fight. This is due largely to the fact that the issue formed an integral part of his agenda before and upon assuming office as President in 2015. Infact, since then, he has, at every given opportunity, vowed to stem the tide of corruption and bring culprits to justice.
Only recently, after being declared the winner of the controversial presidential election by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Buhari re-affirmed his so-called commitment to a more vigorous anti-graft war in what many an observer have since written off as a fluke. This is moreso as many highly perceptible segment of the Nigerian society strongly believe that President Buhari has always looked the other way when corruption cases involving high-profile members of his All Progressives Congress (APC) are established.
Keen observers of the Buhari Presidency anti-corruption war and the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) have serially accused the President of deliberately inflicting pains on his perceived enemies under the guise of fighting graft while filing away charges of prominent members of the APC and cabinet with similar cases.
Apart from the contract scandal involving former Secretary to Government of the Federation and active participant in Buhari’s Presidential Campaign, Babachir Lawal and the discovery of billions of Naira in the custody of erstwhile Director-General of the National Intelligence Agency (NIA), Ayodele Oke, who are both currently facing trial following sustained public criticisms, there abound corruption cases involving strong pillars of the Buhari re-election campaign team which have been swept under the carpet. Typical examples are the petitions against the APC National Chairman and former Edo State Governor, Adams Oshiomhole, former Akwa Ibom State Governor and ex-Senate Minority Leader, Godswill Akpabio, former Governor of Rivers State and the Director-General of the Buhari Campaign Organisation, Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi, who was indicted for massive looting of the State treasury by the George Omereji judicial panel of inquiry set up by the State government in 2015, and Kano State Governor, Abdulahi Ganduje who was recently shown in a video that went viral allegedly collecting bribe in dollars.
It is perhaps, against the backdrop of the apparently one-sided anti-graft war and the growing consensus that the war is aimed at suppressing opposition and dissenting voices that many human rights and anti-corruption watchdogs have dismissed all the hype about President Buhari’s anti-graft fight. The Transparency International (TI), in its latest corruption perception index showed that Nigeria only moved from 148th position in 2017 to 144th in 2018.
Albeit, the Buhari administration has, at various times, dropped figures as recovered looted funds, Nigerians have not been given a total of what it has recovered so far, and the use to which the money has been put. Even more worrisome is the fact that the government is the still borrowing extensively from local and international sources to fund critical sectors of the economy without tangible results. While the PDP borrowed only $63 billion in its 16 years in power, Nigeria’s debt is currently estimated at about $80 billion. Added to this is the subsidy scam payment of 1.4 trillion and other rots in the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) which is directly under Buhari’s supervision.
With all that calling President Buhari’s integrity to question, little wonder the United States recently released evidence of massive corruption under his administration in its current report.
The State Department’s Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labour, in its Country Reports On Human Rights Practices for 2018 released penultimate Thursday, said despite Buhari’s avowals of his commitment to the anti-corruption war, the Buhari-led Federal Government has given impetus to its officials to engage in corrupt practices with a sense of exemption from punishment.
Said the Report: “Although the law provides criminal penalties for conviction of official corruption, the government did not implement the law effectively, and officials frequently engaged in corrupt practices with impunity”.
What the report implies is that the Buhari Presidency has not been very sincere in the anti-graft war given the impunity with which its officials have engaged in corrupt practices without fear of being hounded by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and the Independent Corrupt Practices and other related Offences Commission (ICPC).
As it is, the Buhari-led Federal Government must come out clean in the fight against corruption in such a manner that would convince everyone that the fight is not just targeted at the opposition alone but to everybody found wanting, no matter how well placed the person(s) in the government. What is thus needed now is less talk, more action.
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Editorial
That Oshiomhole’s Call On FG’s Road Projects
There are moments in the life of a legislature when plain speaking becomes a public service. Senator Adams Oshiomhole provided such a moment on the floor of the Senate when he accused the Minister of Works, Senator David Umahi, of manifestly neglecting critical federal arteries in Edo and Delta States, and implored his colleagues to prevail on the Minister to adopt a more equitable and genuinely national approach to road infrastructure delivery. It was blunt, it was uncomfortable, and it was necessary.
The specifics of his complaint deserve restating. Drawing attention to the recent approval of some 20 new road projects despite the parlous state of existing ones, the former Edo State governor lamented that Nigerians cannot travel from Benin to Warri, Benin to Asaba, Benin to Auchi, or Auchi to Okene without encountering severe distress. He alleged a deliberate omission of these corridors from the national budget in the last three years, save for palliative interventions directed by President Bola Tinubu through tax credit arrangements. His question — “What have we done wrong?” — resonates far beyond the chambers of the National Assembly.
We lend our full and unequivocal support to that call. The Auchi-Benin Road, for instance, has been in a deplorable and near-impassable condition for several years, turning what should be a two-hour journey into an all-day ordeal of broken axles, extortionate fares, and despondent commuters. The media have, on multiple occasions, chronicled the suffering of motorists, traders, and students who ply that route. To describe it as a federal road today is to stretch the meaning of the term beyond recognition.
This pattern of sidelining is not confined to Edo or Delta. Even here in Rivers State, the disposition of the Federal Ministry of Works has left much to be desired, particularly along the Eleme axis of the East-West Road. That road, which ought to be a flagship of federal presence in the Niger Delta, has remained in a wretched state for long. Those who use it daily — workers at the Eleme Petrochemical Complex, the two refineries, Onne Port, and the countless ancillary industries — can attest to its deterioration. Work has proceeded in fits and starts without the sustained urgency such a strategic road demands.
The Eleme stretch is not a mere intra-state byway. It is the gateway to the nation’s economic jugular. According to the Federal Ministry of Works and Housing’s 2023 Highway Condition Survey, only about 35 per cent of the country’s 36,000 kilometres of federal roads are rated as being in good or fair condition, with the remainder classified as poor or very poor. The East-West Road, conceived in the 1970s to bind the entire Niger Delta, remains unfinished in critical sections more than four decades after. If it had been treated as a priority, the perennial gridlock, carnage, and economic loss on the Eleme-Refinery junction would have long been consigned to history.
The irony is as painful as it is glaring. The Niger Delta remains the goose that lays the golden eggs. Data from the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative [NEITI 2023 Oil and Gas Audit] show that the region still accounts for over 78 per cent of Nigeria’s federally collected export earnings and about 65 per cent of total government revenue. The National Bureau of Statistics [NBS Foreign Trade Report Q4 2024] similarly confirms that crude oil continues to dominate export receipts. By every metric of equity and economic logic, a region that sustains the national purse deserves first-rate consideration in the allocation of infrastructure, not afterthoughts and tokenism.
Road infrastructure is not largesse to be dispensed by favour; it is the skeleton upon which commerce, cohesion, and citizenship hang. When contracts are concentrated in one geopolitical zone while other zones are left to contend with craters, it erodes trust in the federation itself. The World Bank’s Nigeria Development Update [June 2023] estimated that poor transport connectivity inflates the cost of moving goods by up to 40 per cent and costs the Nigerian economy an estimated $1.5 billion annually in lost man-hours and vehicle maintenance. If we profess to be one country, then equity must be the compass that guides key institutions before any project is executed. Development must spread round, not pool in one place as though other regions do not matter.
There is also a grave security dimension that can no longer be ignored. The deplorable condition of federal roads has become a veritable enabler of criminality. The NBS Crime Experience and Security Perception Survey reported over 2.5 million incidents of kidnapping-related occurrences nationally, with transport workers identifying bad road spots as prime ambush points. When vehicles are forced to crawl at 10 kilometres per hour through failed sections at Auchi, Sapele Road, or Eleme, they become sitting ducks for armed gangs. Fixing bad roads, therefore, is not merely about convenience; it is about safeguarding lives.
By his intervention, Senator Oshiomhole has hit the nail on the head and reminded Minister Umahi of a fundamental constitutional truth: public office is held in trust. The Ministry of Works is not a personal estate where contracts are awarded according to whim or political convenience. It is a national institution funded by the collective resources of Nigerians, including the oil and gas rents from the very communities whose roads are now neglected. The Minister must demonstrate balance, transparency, and a pan-Nigerian outlook in the distribution of projects that impact the daily existence of citizens. Selective neglect breeds suspicion, and suspicion is corrosive at a time when the nation is preaching unity, oneness, equity, and justice.
Consequently, the National Assembly must go beyond rhetoric and assert its oversight powers with vigour. Sections 88 and 89 of the 1999 Constitution [as amended] empower the legislature to investigate and expose any maladministration in the execution of federal projects. If an office holder is not acting rightly, it is the duty of the Senate and the House of Representatives to call him to order. Oversight must not be reduced to budget approval ceremonies; it must translate to field verification, public hearings, and insistence that the Federal Character principle, as enshrined in Section 14(3) of the Constitution, reflects in road awards.
Let the Auchi-Okene, Benin-Warri, Benin-Asaba, and Eleme East-West gangways be restored to motorable dignity. Let priority be given to completing existing, economically vital roads before embarking on new ones. If those who, through their resources, sustain the federation are sidelined in the distribution of tangible dividends, it tells poorly of our nationhood. Bad roads must be fixed, and they must be fixed now, with fairness as the guiding standard.
Editorial
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