Editorial
Shehu Aliyu Shagari (1925 – 2018)
Unarguably the last of the titans, Shehu Aliyu Shagari, Second Republic President of Nigeria, went the way of all mortals on December 28, 2018, marking the end of an eventful era in the annals of the nation’s political metamorphosis.
A nationalist, patriot and statesman, Shagari was, until his demise, one of the few solons that did not only dominate his native Northern Nigerian space with mercurial audacity, but also, like his contemporaries, bestrode the nation’s political landscape like a magnificent colossus.
Small wonder then that the series of obviously unhealthy political developments in the country before and after his (Shagari’s) transition have hardly dimmed the avalanche of encomiums that has continued to flow freely like torrents. Tributes after tributes from Nigeria’s elites, including President Muhammadu Buhari who ousted his government, had underlined his sterling qualities of honesty and politics without bitterness which they themselves have failed to imbibe.
Although Nigeria’s political culture had always seem to function around ostentation and wider expectations, Shagari can be excused for whatever shortcomings, having presided over the nation at a period when our optimism about what was possible far outstripped our capacities to build and to persevere.
The Tide is not saying that Shagari was a saint among sinners. Not at all. But he can be singled out as one of those supranational symbols whose invocation had often sufficed to heal divisive acrimonies in the land and douse the unending embers of sectarian and clannish obsessions. It is to his eternal credit that he preached national unity and progress till his death.
Willed into existence on February 25, 1925, Shagari started his education in a Quaranic school and later attended Yabo Elementary School (1931-1935). After attending middle school in Sokoto from 1936 and 1940, he attended Kaduna College from 1941 – 1944 from where he gained admission into Teachers Training College, Zaria in 1944. He was a visiting teacher in Sokoto Province in 1953 and also a member of the Federal Scholarship Board between 1954 and 1958.
After his public service stint, Shagari was appointed Secretary of the Northern People’s Congress (NPC) in Sokoto from where he was elected into his first public office as a member of the House of Representatives for Sokoto West in 1954.
In 1958, the then Prime Minister, Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa appointed Shagari his Parliamentary Secretary and later Federal Minister for Commerce and Industry. He was at various times Federal Minister of Economic Development (1959 – 1960), Federal Minister of Pensions (1960 – 1962), Federal Minister of Works (1965 – 1966), Secretary, Sokoto Province Education Development Fund, Commissioner for Establishment in the North Western State.
In 1970, Shagari staged a come back to the Federal Cabinet first as Commissioner for Economic Development, Rehabilitation and Reconstruction, and later as Federal Commissioner for Finance from 1971 to 1975. During this period, he was a governor of World Bank and a member of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) Committee of Twenty.
A co-founder of the defunct National Party of Nigeria (NPN) in 1978, Shagari was elected Nigeria’s first executive President on the party’s platform in 1979 in a keenly contested but controversial election that involved Chief Obafemi Awolowo (Unity Party of Nigeria), Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe (Nigeria Peoples Party), Alhaji Waziri Ibrahim (Great Nigeria Peoples Party) and Alhaji Aminu Kano (People’s Redemption Party).
Upon assuming duties on October 1, 1979, Shagari pledged to promote agricultural and economic development and help prosecute the fight against racism in Southern Africa.
In 1980, he initiated the Green Revolution, a comprehensive agricultural programme to ensure self-sufficiency in food production. He set up among others, 11 river basin development authorities to actualise it. Between 1980 and 1983, he completed the Kaduna Refinery, the Delta Steel complex and the Aluminum Smelter Company at Ikot Abasi.
Basking in the euphoria of the oil boom, Shagari also gave housing, transportation and industries a major boost in his administration’s policy.
A proponent of the African Defence Force in the 1980 Summit of the defunct Organisation of African Unity (OAU), Shagari’s foreign policy was hinged on the liquidation of the white minority rule in South Africa and the independence of Namibia.
Unfortunately, Shagari’s second term in 1983 was terminated by Major General (now, President) Muhammadu Buhari in a military putsch over allegations of corruption.
Yet, his ordeal in Buhari’s hand did not blight his vision for a greater and united Nigeria as he continued to contribute to national discourse, even with his frail health, and until his eventual passage. His, was indeed a life of meritorious service to the nation.
The Turaki of Sokoto since 1962, Shagari was a recipient of several chieftaincy titles of several communities across Nigeria and also a Grand Commander of the Order of the Federal Republic (GCFR), the country’s highest national honour.
May his soul rest in perfect peace.
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WPFD: Nigeria’s Defining Test
Nigeria stands at a critical juncture as the world marked World Press Freedom Day (WPFD) on May 3. This annual observance is a reminder that a free press is central to democratic life, good governance, and public accountability. For Nigeria, it is also a moment for sober reflection on how far the country has come and how far it still has to go in safeguarding the independence of its media.
World Press Freedom Day exists to highlight the fundamental importance of freedom of expression and to honour journalists who risk their lives in pursuit of truth. It underscores the idea that without a free press, societies cannot function transparently, nor can citizens make informed decisions. In countries like Nigeria, where democracy continues to evolve, the observance carries particular urgency.
This year’s theme, “Shaping a Future at Peace: Promoting Press Freedom for Human Rights, Development and Security”, places journalism at the heart of global stability. It emphasises that a peaceful society cannot be built on silence, fear, or manipulated information. Rather, it depends on the free flow of accurate, timely, and independent reporting.
At its core, the theme highlights the role of journalism in fostering accountability, dialogue, and trust. These are not abstract ideals. In Nigeria, where public confidence in institutions is often fragile, the media remains one of the few platforms through which citizens can question authority and demand transparency. When press freedom declines, so too does public trust.
Journalism serves as a foundation for peace, security, and economic recovery. Countries with robust media systems tend to attract greater investment, maintain stronger institutions, and resolve conflicts more effectively. Nigeria’s economic challenges, ranging from inflation to unemployment, require open scrutiny and informed debate, both of which depend on a free press.
However, the issue of information integrity has become increasingly complex in the digital age. Artificial Intelligence (AI) and online platforms have amplified the spread of misinformation and disinformation. In Nigeria, where internet penetration has grown rapidly, false narratives can travel faster than verified facts. This makes the role of credible journalism more vital than ever.
The challenge is not only technological but also ethical. AI-driven manipulation of information threatens to distort public discourse, influence elections, and deepen social divisions. In such an environment, professional journalism must act as a stabilising force, ensuring that truth prevails over sensationalism and propaganda.
Equally troubling is the safety of journalists. Across Nigeria, reporters face growing levels of online harassment, judicial intimidation, and physical threats. Self-censorship is becoming more common, as media practitioners weigh the risks of reporting sensitive issues. This trend undermines the very essence of journalism.
A particularly alarming incident involved a serving minister in the present administration, who openly threatened to shoot a journalist during a televised exchange. Such conduct, broadcast to the public, sends a dangerous signal that hostility towards the press is acceptable. It erodes the norms of democratic engagement and places journalists in harm’s way.
This year’s theme aligns closely with the United Nations Sustainable Development Goal (SDG)16, which promotes peace, justice, and strong institutions. Freedom of expression is a cornerstone of this goal. Without it, institutions weaken, corruption thrives, and justice becomes elusive. Nigeria’s commitment to SDG 16 must therefore include genuine protection for the media.
Historically, the Nigerian press has been a formidable force. From resisting colonial rule to challenging military dictatorships, our journalists have played a central role in shaping the nation’s political landscape. Today, however, that legacy appears to be under strain, as the media operates under what can best be described as a veneer of freedom.
Beneath this facade lies a troubling reality. Journalists are routinely harassed, detained, and prosecuted for performing their constitutional duties. Reports from media watchdogs indicate that dozens of Nigerian journalists face legal threats or arrest each year, often for exposing corruption or criticising those in power.
The Cybercrimes (Prohibition, Prevention, etc.) Act of 2015 has become a focal point of concern. Originally intended to combat cyber threats, it has increasingly been used to silence dissent. Sections 24 and 27(1)(b), in particular, have been invoked to target journalists, bloggers, and social commentators.
Although amendments introduced in February 2024 were meant to safeguard journalists, concerns persist. The law continues to be wielded in ways that stifle investigative reporting and restrict freedom of expression. Legal reforms must go beyond cosmetic changes to address the root causes of misuse.
To safeguard the future of journalism in Nigeria, decisive action is required. The Cybercrimes Act must be revisited to ensure it cannot be weaponised against the press. Law enforcement agencies must operate free from political influence, upholding the rule of law and protecting journalists’ rights. Civil society and international partners must also strengthen independent media through funding, training, and platforms for wider reach.
In this rapidly evolving world shaped by artificial intelligence and digital innovation, Nigeria faces a clear choice. It can either allow press freedom to erode under pressure, or it can champion a truly independent media landscape. The path it chooses will determine not only the future of journalism, but also the strength of its democracy and the peace it seeks to build.
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