Editorial
That IPOB Claim To PH
A recent statement credited to the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) says that the pro-Biafra group has declared Port Harcourt, the Rivers State capital, as its operational base. According to the statement issued by the group’s Media and Publicity Secretary, Mr. Emma Powerful, Port Harcourt was chosen based on the fact that many people now regard it as the unofficial power base of the IPOB-led Biafra resurgence, especially in the South-South geo-political zone. The release also expressed the hope that Uyo, Oron, Ogoja, Yenagoa and Warri will soon become centres for the Biafra struggle.
Indeed, since the arrest and detention of the London-based leader of IPOB, Mr. Nnamdi Kanu, while on an alleged secret trip to Nigeria two years ago, Port Harcourt has witnessed a number of street processions calling for his immediate and unconditional release from the custody of the Directorate of State Security (DSS) in Abuja.
During some of these demonstrations, Rivers indigenes and residents, particularly those in Oyigbo town, were said to have been harassed, intimidated and forced to shut schools and their businesses and join the agitation. Even the latest of these processions which was reportedly planned as a rally to support US President Donald Trump’s inauguration also turned violent.
But more disturbing is the observation that these street agitations have continued to recur in spite of the many condemnations and outright warnings of the state government and its people against such acts. In fact, as the Chief Security Officer of the State, Governor Nyesom Wike had, in a state broadcast aimed at distancing his government from IPOB activities in the state and also reassure Rivers people and residents of their safety, warned thus: “Let no one be in doubt of the resolve of the Rivers State Government and the security agencies to maintain law and order at all cost within the state and preserve the unity of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.
“Majority of these individuals have come from neighbouring states and, in the course of these protests, disrupted social and economic activities, damaged properties, assaulted and inflicted injuries on other citizens going about their lawful endeavours.”
Similarly, some notable groups in the state, including Ogbakor Ikwerre, National Union of Ikwerre Students, the Rivers Elders and Leaders Council (RELEC) and eminent persons from the state have also prevailed on IPOB and other pro-Biafra agitators to discontinue their demonstrations in Port Harcourt. These groups have respectively argued that Rivers people are not and will never be part of the agitation for Biafra; hence, there is no basis for any pro-Biafra group, under whatever name or guise, to adopt Port Harcourt as its operational base.
The Tide endorses the sentiments of the state government and these Rivers groups and persons who had lent their voices against any further use of Port Harcourt for IPOB protests. We, therefore, view the sustained reference to Port Harcourt as ‘Igweocha’ and its declaration as IPOB’s operational base as an assault on the sensibilities of Rivers people.
While we are not opposed to the privileges of any section of the country to self determination and freedom of association, we, however, think that no person or group has the exclusive right to force another to belong to where they do not want to be. It is also our candid position that if there is any entity in the Nigerian project that feels so seriously marginalised, it is obviously the southern minorities to which Rivers State rightly belongs.
IPOB should, therefore, cease to cause disaffection among Rivers people or the Ijaws in their quest for a sovereign state of Biafra. What’s more, it is almost 50 years since the creation of Rivers State and its subsequent liberation from the avoidable rebellion that resulted to the Nigerian Civil War, but not all the war survivors from these parts would want to be reminded of their unsavoury experiences as refugees in neighbouring lands.
Before Nigeria’s Independence in 1960, the minority people of the Niger Delta did have cause to demand for self determination without causing rowdy protests anywhere beyond their shores. This peaceful move gave rise to the establishment of the Willinsk Commission and later, the Niger Delta Board. Again, even in the face of military dictatorships in the 1990s, the Ogonis of Rivers State were led by the late internationally acclaimed environmentalist, Kenule Saro-Wiwa, in non-violent processions to draw global attention to the operational excesses of a multinational oil firm in Ogoniland and, by extension, the oil-rich Niger Delta. These processions were mainly in and around Port Harcourt, but certainly not in Enugu, Umuahia, Owerri or any other part of Nigeria.
We, therefore, implore the state government and Rivers leaders to continue to defend the people’s inalienable right to belong to where they want and speak in one voice against what we consider as a clear and grave danger. The Ijaw National Congress (INC), Ijaw Youth Council (IYC) and other such bodies must join their Ikwerre counterparts to speak out now or never.
Editorial
Checkmating ‘One-Chance’ Menaces In PH
Editorial
That Oshiomhole’s Call On FG’s Road Projects
There are moments in the life of a legislature when plain speaking becomes a public service. Senator Adams Oshiomhole provided such a moment on the floor of the Senate when he accused the Minister of Works, Senator David Umahi, of manifestly neglecting critical federal arteries in Edo and Delta States, and implored his colleagues to prevail on the Minister to adopt a more equitable and genuinely national approach to road infrastructure delivery. It was blunt, it was uncomfortable, and it was necessary.
The specifics of his complaint deserve restating. Drawing attention to the recent approval of some 20 new road projects despite the parlous state of existing ones, the former Edo State governor lamented that Nigerians cannot travel from Benin to Warri, Benin to Asaba, Benin to Auchi, or Auchi to Okene without encountering severe distress. He alleged a deliberate omission of these corridors from the national budget in the last three years, save for palliative interventions directed by President Bola Tinubu through tax credit arrangements. His question — “What have we done wrong?” — resonates far beyond the chambers of the National Assembly.
We lend our full and unequivocal support to that call. The Auchi-Benin Road, for instance, has been in a deplorable and near-impassable condition for several years, turning what should be a two-hour journey into an all-day ordeal of broken axles, extortionate fares, and despondent commuters. The media have, on multiple occasions, chronicled the suffering of motorists, traders, and students who ply that route. To describe it as a federal road today is to stretch the meaning of the term beyond recognition.
This pattern of sidelining is not confined to Edo or Delta. Even here in Rivers State, the disposition of the Federal Ministry of Works has left much to be desired, particularly along the Eleme axis of the East-West Road. That road, which ought to be a flagship of federal presence in the Niger Delta, has remained in a wretched state for long. Those who use it daily — workers at the Eleme Petrochemical Complex, the two refineries, Onne Port, and the countless ancillary industries — can attest to its deterioration. Work has proceeded in fits and starts without the sustained urgency such a strategic road demands.
The Eleme stretch is not a mere intra-state byway. It is the gateway to the nation’s economic jugular. According to the Federal Ministry of Works and Housing’s 2023 Highway Condition Survey, only about 35 per cent of the country’s 36,000 kilometres of federal roads are rated as being in good or fair condition, with the remainder classified as poor or very poor. The East-West Road, conceived in the 1970s to bind the entire Niger Delta, remains unfinished in critical sections more than four decades after. If it had been treated as a priority, the perennial gridlock, carnage, and economic loss on the Eleme-Refinery junction would have long been consigned to history.
The irony is as painful as it is glaring. The Niger Delta remains the goose that lays the golden eggs. Data from the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative [NEITI 2023 Oil and Gas Audit] show that the region still accounts for over 78 per cent of Nigeria’s federally collected export earnings and about 65 per cent of total government revenue. The National Bureau of Statistics [NBS Foreign Trade Report Q4 2024] similarly confirms that crude oil continues to dominate export receipts. By every metric of equity and economic logic, a region that sustains the national purse deserves first-rate consideration in the allocation of infrastructure, not afterthoughts and tokenism.
Road infrastructure is not largesse to be dispensed by favour; it is the skeleton upon which commerce, cohesion, and citizenship hang. When contracts are concentrated in one geopolitical zone while other zones are left to contend with craters, it erodes trust in the federation itself. The World Bank’s Nigeria Development Update [June 2023] estimated that poor transport connectivity inflates the cost of moving goods by up to 40 per cent and costs the Nigerian economy an estimated $1.5 billion annually in lost man-hours and vehicle maintenance. If we profess to be one country, then equity must be the compass that guides key institutions before any project is executed. Development must spread round, not pool in one place as though other regions do not matter.
There is also a grave security dimension that can no longer be ignored. The deplorable condition of federal roads has become a veritable enabler of criminality. The NBS Crime Experience and Security Perception Survey reported over 2.5 million incidents of kidnapping-related occurrences nationally, with transport workers identifying bad road spots as prime ambush points. When vehicles are forced to crawl at 10 kilometres per hour through failed sections at Auchi, Sapele Road, or Eleme, they become sitting ducks for armed gangs. Fixing bad roads, therefore, is not merely about convenience; it is about safeguarding lives.
By his intervention, Senator Oshiomhole has hit the nail on the head and reminded Minister Umahi of a fundamental constitutional truth: public office is held in trust. The Ministry of Works is not a personal estate where contracts are awarded according to whim or political convenience. It is a national institution funded by the collective resources of Nigerians, including the oil and gas rents from the very communities whose roads are now neglected. The Minister must demonstrate balance, transparency, and a pan-Nigerian outlook in the distribution of projects that impact the daily existence of citizens. Selective neglect breeds suspicion, and suspicion is corrosive at a time when the nation is preaching unity, oneness, equity, and justice.
Consequently, the National Assembly must go beyond rhetoric and assert its oversight powers with vigour. Sections 88 and 89 of the 1999 Constitution [as amended] empower the legislature to investigate and expose any maladministration in the execution of federal projects. If an office holder is not acting rightly, it is the duty of the Senate and the House of Representatives to call him to order. Oversight must not be reduced to budget approval ceremonies; it must translate to field verification, public hearings, and insistence that the Federal Character principle, as enshrined in Section 14(3) of the Constitution, reflects in road awards.
Let the Auchi-Okene, Benin-Warri, Benin-Asaba, and Eleme East-West gangways be restored to motorable dignity. Let priority be given to completing existing, economically vital roads before embarking on new ones. If those who, through their resources, sustain the federation are sidelined in the distribution of tangible dividends, it tells poorly of our nationhood. Bad roads must be fixed, and they must be fixed now, with fairness as the guiding standard.
Editorial
Making Rivers’ 2026 Budget Count
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