Politics
Sanusi And Politics Of Removal
Penultimate Thursday, the
unthinkable happened. The cerebral governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), Mallam Sanusi Lamido Sanusi was suspended by President Goodluck Jonathan.
Sanusi who learnt of his suspension in Niamey, Niger Republic while attending a conference of the West African Currency Zone with other governors of the Central Banks in West Africa received the news of his suspension with a rude shock, just like many other Nigerians. He immediately returned to Lagos only to have his international passport seized by the officials of the Directorate of State Security Service (SSS). He has however, challenged his suspension in the court “to establish once and for all if the president has the powers to do what he had done.”
Sanusi told the cable news network, CNBN in Niamey that,“It has never been my desire to hold on to a job. However, I believe if the CBN governor cannot be removed from office, then he cannot be suspended. He can be qurried, but the exercise of the arbitrary decision to remove him must be challenged.
“If it is not challenged, then from now, the next CBN governor cannot be independent. He can be suspended for any reason, and the independence of the CBN would be totally undermined. It is important to establish the point legally whether this can happen. I do plan to ask the court to confirm if indeed, that authority exists. I will challenge it”.
The apex bank boss, according to the Special Adviser to the President on Media and Publicity, Dr Reuben Abati, was suspended because of his alleged financial infractions and recklessness as well as multiple cases of fraudulent practices. The CBN under Sanusi’s watch, was also accused of not maintaining proper book of accounts as prescribed by the International Financial Reporting Standards (IFRS). All these charges were based on the 2012 audit report prepared by the Financial Reporting Council of Nigeria (FRCN), whose existence is becoming known to millions of Nigerians for the first time.
The FRC’s report, which came to the public domain two days after Sanusi’s suspension, further recommended the sack of the CBN governor and his deputies to the President.
Although, the President was careful not to cite any constitutional provision in suspending Sanusi, perhaps knowing fully well that no such provision existed either in the constitution or the CBN Act to back his action, he nonetheless gave indications that his action did not infringe the law.
“There is absolute power by the president to suspend the CBN governor,” he said during a presidential chat last week.
Section 11(7) of the CBN Act, 2007 gives the president powers to remove the CBN Governor, but with a proviso that such removal must enjoy two-third majority approval of the Senate. The Act does not however, contemplate suspension.
Although the President has denied the allegations of political witch-hunt against the CBN governor, the suspension, coming at a time when Sanusi’s weighty allegations against the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) are still being investigated may likely taint whatever reasons the President adduced for his action.
Sanusi had written to the President accusing the NNPC of not remitting $49.8billion (about three times the nation’s annual budget) to the Federation Account. He, however, later told the Senate Committee investigating the allegations that the unremitted amount was actually $20billion and not $49.8billion earlier mentioned, blaming the CBN’s Reserve Department for misleading him.
Sanusi’s whistle-blowing and his sustained public attacks on the NNPC, widely seen as a conduit pipe and the epicenter of corruption in Africa’s top oil producer, has earned him powerful enemies within government circle.
The unprecedented nature of the CBN governor’s suspension, in the history of Nigeria and perhaps that of most countries of the world, has however, divided the nation along its main fault lines-political, ethnic and religious lines, with the former (politics) appears to be playing a dominating factor.
While government apologists, made up of mostly members of the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) supported Sanusi’s suspension and argued that only few government would have tolerated Sanusi’s arrogant personality and the ‘defiance’ he applied to his brief as CBN governor; critics of Jonathan’s administration, especially the main opposition party- the All Progressives Congress (APC) dismissed the suspension as a political malice, saying it was sheer disrespect to the rule of law and a show of impunity and ingratitude that a person who has brought about sweeping revolution in the banking industry and who should have been commended for exposing the rot in the oil industry could be so vilified.
The House of Representatives fired the first salvo and perhaps set a stage for what has become a political mudslinging among the nation’s major political players.
Shortly after the news of Sanusi’s suspension hit the air waves, the House of Representatives rejected the suspension. Apparently embittered by what the legislators perceived as selective implementation or non-compliance with its resolution against some public officers over corrupt practices, the House mandated its committees on Justice, and Legislative Compliances to compile all resolutions that have indicted any public officer for which President Jonathan had refused to act on, and therefore requested the President to act on them with immediate effect.
The decision which was taken after adopting a motion moved by the Minority Whip, Samson Osagie, was however, preceded by sharp division between APC and PDP members in the House. While the PDP members were in support of the suspension, their counterparts in the APC described the suspension as unconstitutional and antithetical to the nation’s economy more so at a time when the CBN governor raised some concerns about missing funds.
Similar scenario played out at the Senate with the PDP members which constituted the majority voting in support of the suspension and the APC members rejecting the measure.
Acting on an already set stage by their members, the two leading parties in the country toed the party lines in their separate responses to the suspension.
The APC accused the presidency of campaigning to malign Sanusi, using the report of “obscure” Financial Reporting Council (FRC). It also accused President Jonathan of seeking to use the suspension to divert attention and thereby sweeping the alleged $20billion NNPC missing funds under the carpet and punishing Sanusi for daring to expose the alleged fraud.
In a statement issued by the APC Interim National Publicity Secretary, Alhaji Lai Muhammed, the party said, “Irrespective of the tepid and unconvincing denial by the presidency, it is clear that the main reason the presidency moved against Sanusi is because he blew the lid on the $20 billion funds, which the NNPC allegedly failed t o remit to the Federation Account.
“Fortunately, discerning Nigerians are not hoodwinked by the presidency’s choreographed mudslinging against a whistle blower, and the sponsored campaign that amounts to shooting the messenger just because his message is not palatable”.
The PDP in its own reactions, described Sanusi’s suspension as long overdue. It justified both the suspension and the President’s powers to do so, saying he who hires has the power to fire.
The same political mudslinging dominated the reactions of the two factions of the Nigeria’s Governor Forum. While the faction led by the Rivers State governor, Chibuike Amaechi and made up of mostly APC governors, condemned the suspension and called for the forensic audit of NNPC’s account as a way of confirming or refuting Sanusi’s allegations, the Jonah Jang’s faction comprising mainly of PDP governors and Jonathan’s loyalists, lent its support to Sanusi’s suspension, and accused Amaechi’s NGF of playing out APC’s script.
Meanwhile, the Kano Emirate Council, in a statement signed by the Galadima Kano, Alhaji Tijani Hahim, believed Sanusi’s suspension was a deliberate attempt to witch hunt a whistle blower who exposed a monumental fraud in the NNPC.
“As the President has suspended the governor without the recourse to the rule of law, we believed it was a deliberate attempt to witch-hunt him. It is a desperation and impunity at the highest level by the Federal Government,” the council said.
On its own, the Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF) at the end of its emergency meeting last week, cautioned the Jonathan’s government against any harm befalling Sanusi.
Although the presidency wears Sanusi’s sack the gown of a suspension, everything surrounding the suspension indicates the dismissive tone of a sack. In a similar guise of suspension, Justice Ayo Salami (retired) was removed as the President of the Appeal Court by President Jonathan and was not reinstated despite the reinstatement order by the National Judicial Council (NJC).
As a newspaper columnist, Idowu Akinlotan noted recently, “not only was the former CBN boss removed, his temporary and permanent replacements were hastily named with temerity that reeked of political insensitivity and unconstitutionality, and with such absolute lack of grace and class that leaves one wondering how it was possible for Dr Jonathan to demean the Nigerian presidency to such level of pettiness.”
Many questions are however, begging for answers regarding Sanusi’s suspension. Notwithstanding that the presidency hanged the suspension on FRC’s report which indicted the CBN boss of financial misconduct, why did the presidency take this long to fire Sanusi, when the FRC’s report had been submitted to the President since June, last year, if truly the suspension was not connected with the president’s exasperation, arising from the disquieting concern Sanusi raised about financial improprietness in the NNPC? And why did the President spare the NNPC Group Managing Director, Andrew Yakubu and Minister of Petroleum Resources, Diezani Alison-Madueke whose agency and ministry are also under investigation? Why didn’t the President also suspend the CBN deputy governors who were also recommended for sack by the FRC? Why did the President not implement several other reports that called for the removal of certain officials of government that were indicted?
While it may take Sanusi more than a mere judicial discharge and acquital to convince his traducers that his integrity is not sullied by any financial impropriety and brashness, it will also take President Jonathan more than a FRC’s report to justify that Sanusi’s suspension was not due to his poking a finger in the President’s eye in the course of allegations against NNPC.
President Jonathan and Sanusi Lamido Sanusi
Boye Salau
Mr Okonkwo made the announcement on his X (formerly Twitter) account on yesterday, expressing gratitude for what he called Alhaji Abubakar’s show of faith in him.
“I give God all the glory for being appointed by His Excellency Atiku Abubakar as his spokesperson. I thank His Excellency for the immense confidence reposed in me,” Mr Okonkwo said.
The politician credited Alhaji Abubakar with championing dialogue over conflict within party ranks.
He noted that the former vice president favours conversation and compromise when party associates raise genuine worries, rather than dismissing their concerns.
“Rather than take offence at associates for expressing genuine reservations about any action taken, His Excellency always opts for dialogue and compromise that engender solutions to problems,” Mr Okonkwo stated.
According to him, recent talks with Alhaji Abubakar and other ADC leaders tackled worries about South-East political representation within the limits of the Electoral Act, 2026, and the current political climate. He said the discussions produced guarantees for the region’s interests despite existing constraints.
Mr Okonkwo also acknowledged the work of Dr. Kashim Imam; former ADC National Chairman, Ralphs Nwosu; Ekene Onwuka, Alhaji Abubakar’s Senior Special Assistant on Special Duties, in preparing the party for next year’s elections. He thanked his loved ones and supporters for their support and prayers.
“I still covet your prayers for wisdom, courage, provision and protection needed to carry out this challenging responsibility, which will usher in a glorious and great Nigeria,” he added.
The appointment arrives weeks after Mr Okonkwo publicly attacked the ADC’s pick for running mate in 2027. He’d warned that choosing a vice-presidential candidate from the South-South would worsen what he sees as political neglect of the South-East, a region without a president or vice president since 1999.
Despite Mr Okonkwo’s objections, the ADC later announced former Rivers State Governor and ex-Minister of Transportation, Mr Rotimi Amaechi, as Alhaji Abubakar’s running mate following the ex-vice president’s clinching of the party’s presidential nomination.
The Senate has defended the passage of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (Alteration) (State Police) Bill, 2026, saying the proposed creation of state police is driven by national consensus and the country’s security needs rather than political considerations.
The Red Chamber passed the bill last Wednesday after more than two-thirds of senators voted in support.
In a statement issued yesterday by the Directorate of Media and Public Affairs, Office of the Senate Leader, Senator Opeyemi Bamidele described the bill as “a child of necessity and not of political expediency as well as a product of national consensus and not of cynicism.”
The senate leader said the proposal to establish state police was a matter of urgent public importance that could not be delayed because of political interests, given the country’s security challenges.
He explained that the proposal did not originate recently but emerged from memoranda submitted to the Senate Ad-hoc Committee on the Review of the 1999 Constitution.
According to him, the proposal underwent extensive consultations and rigorous scrutiny because of its sensitive nature.
Bamidele said the National Assembly consulted widely with the Executive, the Nigeria Governors’ Forum, the Conference of Speakers of State Legislatures of Nigeria, the leadership of the Nigeria Police and other stakeholders before passing the bill.
He added that during the public hearings conducted across the six geopolitical zones in July 2025, participants overwhelmingly supported the creation of state police.
“At each level of our consultation, nearly all stakeholders embraced the State Police Bill in the light of stark realities we are facing today,” he said.
The Senate leader noted that recommendations from the Nigeria Police contributed to the bill, particularly on accountability and oversight mechanisms aimed at preventing abuse of state police by political actors.
According to him, the police’s support for the proposal underscores its national significance in tackling insecurity at the state and local levels.
Bamidele also said the bill received broad bipartisan backing in both chambers of the National Assembly.
“Even though the APC is the majority, there are members of opposition parties — PDP, ADC, NDC and Labour Party — that exercised their discretion in favour of the Bill, mainly in the national interest and not on parochial basis.
“In the Senate, for instance, 84 out of 109 members voted clause by clause in support of the Bill. This accounted for 77.06 per cent approval at the Senate alone,” he said.
He argued that national security should transcend political affiliations, saying political actors in other countries often set aside partisan interests to support initiatives that strengthen security.
Bamidele called on opposition parties to contribute constructive ideas that would promote peace and stability, adding that they have a responsibility to offer alternatives that would strengthen the country.
“Even when they disagree on some grounds, they are under obligations to provide credible and useful ideas that can make our nation better and greater. Unfortunately, they have not passed this critical test of opposition democracy,” he said.
The Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) has called on Senate President, Godswill Akpabio, and Speaker of the House of Representatives, Tajudeen Abbas, to refer allegations of the diversion or non-accounting of over ?6.3 billion in constituency project funds to anti-corruption agencies for investigation and possible prosecution.
The group also urged the National Assembly leadership to ensure that anyone found culpable is prosecuted where sufficient admissible evidence exists, while all diverted or unaccounted public funds are recovered and paid into the treasury.
In a letter dated June 27, 2026, and signed by its Deputy Director, Kolawole Oluwadare, SERAP said the allegations were contained in the Auditor-General of the Federation’s 2022 Annual Report, published on September 9, 2025.
The organisation disclosed this in a statement signed and released by Oluwadare, yesterday.
SERAP also asked Akpabio and Abbas to disclose the identities of contractors and companies, including their shareholders and beneficial owners, that allegedly received constituency project funds but failed to execute the projects.
It gave the National Assembly seven days to act on its recommendations, warning that it would institute legal proceedings should the legislature fail to respond.
“We would be grateful if the recommended measures are taken within seven days of the receipt and/or publication of this letter. If we have not heard from you by then, SERAP shall take all appropriate legal actions to compel you and the National Assembly to comply with our request in the public interest,” the letter stated.
It said, “The allegations involve several federal ministries, departments and agencies, including the Environmental Health Registration Council of Nigeria (EHORECON); the Federal College of Animal Health and Production Technology, Volm; the Federal Polytechnic, Udana; the National Agency for the Prohibition of Trafficking in Persons (NAPTIP); and the National Institute of Legislative and Democratic Studies (NILDS).
“The Auditor-General identified numerous cases of payments into private bank accounts, contracts awarded without due process, payments for contracts not executed or services not rendered, undocumented expenditures, inflated contracts, procurement irregularities and failures to account for public funds, recommending in each case that the funds be recovered and remitted to the treasury.
“According to the 2022 audited report, contained in pages 367 to 396, the Environmental Health Registration Council of Nigeria (EHORECON or Council) Abuja paid over ‘N22 million [N22,944,565.16] into the private account of some members of staff of the Council from the Constituency Projects Fund Account.
“There ‘was no evidence of the utilization of the funds and no explanations on the purpose for the payment of such amount into the individual accounts.”
SERAP added, “The Council (EHORECON) also in 2021 ‘awarded suspicious consultancy contracts of over N12 million [N12,030,818.29] for the development of Modern Abattoirs in Kebbi State and the supervision of 7 projects in Kebbi, Jigawa, and Headquarters Abuja.
“The money was to ‘produce bills of quantity, architectural design, structural design, mechanical design, and electrical designs for the contracts and supervision.’ But ‘the ‘items could not be found.’”
Altogether, SERAP said the Auditor-General’s 2022 report alleged EHORECON paid more than ?1.8 billion in constituency project funds through questionable transactions.
For the Federal College of Animal Health and Production Technology, Vom, SERAP said the institution “in 2022 reportedly ‘paid over N279 million [N279,700,500.00] to 3 contractors to empower and train youths in selected vocational areas in Borgu and Kontagora, Niger State, train women and youths in entrepreneurship in Niger East Senatorial District and to train youths and women in agro production and self-reliance in Barki Ladi/Riyom Federal Constituency, Plateau State.
“But the money was paid to the contractors without any document.’”
Other irregularities involving the college include another ?279.7 million in mobilisation fees allegedly paid without documentation, and more than ?629.4 million paid to unqualified contractors for various constituency projects without evidence of due process, contract advertisements or details of the contractors.
SERAP further alleged that the Auditor-General’s report identified multiple financial irregularities involving the Federal Polytechnic, Ukana, Akwa Ibom State, including over ?407 million allegedly paid as mobilisation fees without supporting documents, more than ?399 million paid to unqualified contractors, contracts allegedly inflated by over ?192 million, over ?279 million paid for projects not fully executed, ?50 million allegedly paid for an unexecuted borehole project, and more than ?83 million disbursed without the required documentation or approvals.
It also alleged that NAPTIP reportedly irregularly awarded contracts worth over ?21.8 million, paid more than ?176.8 million for logistics and consultancy services without supporting documents, and disbursed over ?89.6 million and ?4.4 million for projects that were allegedly not executed.
The report also alleged that NILDS failed to submit audited financial statements for 2012 to 2022, did not remit over ?15 million in stamp duties, and spent ?1.6 million without authorisation from the Office of the Accountant-General of the Federation.
SERAP said the report recommended the recovery of the affected funds and their remittance to the treasury.
It argued that corruption in constituency projects disproportionately affects poor and vulnerable Nigerians by diverting resources meant for public services and development.
It added that the National Assembly, in exercising its oversight responsibilities, should demonstrate leadership by ensuring accountability in the management of constituency project funds.
The organisation further argued that the allegations, if established, would amount to breaches of the Constitution, the Fiscal Responsibility Act 2007 and the Public Procurement Act 2007, which require transparency, accountability and due process in the management of public resources.