Editorial
Lessons From 2012 Africa Cup Of Nations
Against popular expectations, the Chipolopolo (Copper Bullets) of Zambia reached the final of the 28th Africa Cup of Nations, which was co-hosted by Equatorial Guinea and Gabon, and defeated the star-studded Elephants of Cote d’ Ivoire to win the trophy.
It was Zambia’s first title in the 55 years old competition and the second time a team from southern Africa would win the competition after South Africa hosted and won the 1996 edition.
The Zambian victory is significant in that prior to the championship, no pundit reckoned with the team which in 1993 lost a generation of footballers in an air mishap off the coast of Libreville, Gabon on their way for a World Cup qualifier in Senegal.
While star-studded teams, made up of mainly European-based players, like Ghana, Ivory Coast and Senegal were marked as favourites, Zambia was seen as merely making up the number.
Indeed, the Zambian team paraded mostly Africa-based players with only two, strikers Emmanuel Mayuka, who plays in the Swiss League and Jacob Mulenga, who features in the Dutch League, as their Europe-based players.
The qualities that stood the Chipolopolos out and saw them through the competition were determination, courage, discipline, commitment and patriotism. They were always willing to die for the cause.
Also, the team had a pragmatic coach in Herve Renard, who never stopped believing, as he saw opportunities even in the limitations of his team.
The coach, in acknowledging the special circumstances around his team admitted, “we are not the best team, but there was a certain force that made us champions”.
That the team was made up of mostly home-based players apparently turned out to be a huge advantage. According to the coach, not only did the availability of the players make long period of preparations possible, it helped in bonding team-spirit, attitude and sense of duty.
It was the same spirit, fervour and patriotism that propelled the Zambians to the final of the Nations Cup against Nigeria in Tunisia 1994, a couple of months after the Libreville disaster that wiped out their entire team.
Then, Nigeria, inspired by Emmanuel Amuneke had to fight back from a goal down to grind out a 2-1 victory to emerge champions. The spirit was again on display as the Zambians marched through their opponents, including pre-tournament favourites, Ghana in the semi final.
The Zambian experience has shown that possibilities and potentials abound in predominantly home-based players. It is on record that Cote d’Ivoire won its only Nations Cup title at Senegal ’92 with a team dominated by players of two local teams, Asec Mimosa and African Sports coached by an indigenous Coach,Yeo Martial.
Egypt, which has won the competition a record seven times, had been relying on home-based players, especially, from Al Ahly and Zamalek football clubs.
If the choice of home-based players can work in other countries, it is our belief that Nigeria could achieve the same result if she explores this option.
Importantly, home or Europe-based should not be made the criterion to call people to camp but the players’ readiness to fight and sacrifice for the cause of their country.
Also, the process of choosing a coach for the national team must not be politicized. The mantle must be given to the best qualified, and supported maximally to achieve set objectives.
We believe that it is time Nigerian football administrators buckle up and drive the national team forward. Gone must be the days when players are invited to the national team based on sentiments.
Those who show less commitment to national call than their clubsides must not be tolerated any longer, while the Nigeria Football Federation (NFF) and Coach Stephen Keshi must give serious consideration to building a formidable team around home-based players.
For the home-based players to thrive, the NFF and Nigeria Premier League Board (NPL) must wake up to their responsibilities. The leagues must be made to be productive and deliver players with the right technical qualities, psychological make up and ambition to be able to represent Nigeria very well in international competitions.
For these to happen, however, available facilities must be improved, corruption and selfishness stamped out of the system, and all the nursery beds for talent discovery, schools competitions, and age grade teams made to be effective.
Thankfully, Keshi and his band of home-based players have started on a good note with good performances in their friendly matches. This should be sustained as Nigeria can no longer afford to be on the sidelines when the honours list of football in Africa and beyond is called.
Editorial
2027: Beyond IGP’s Billboards Protection Order
As Nigeria moves toward the 2027 general elections and campaign activities intensify, violence against opposition politicians has become an issue that can no longer be overlooked. What should be a season of competing ideas is increasingly turning into a test of intimidation, and early signs suggest that those challenging the ruling establishment are the primary targets.
It was, therefore, welcome news when the Inspector-General of Police, Olatunji Disu, warned politicians, political thugs and others against destroying, defacing or removing campaign posters, banners and billboards. In a statement issued in Abuja by the Force Public Relations Officer, CSP Ani Iniedu, the police condemned such acts as political intolerance, directed Commissioners of Police in all 36 States and the Federal Capital Territory to take preventive measures, and warned that sponsors would also face prosecution. The police rightly described such vandalism as a criminal act that undermines parties’ and candidates’ freedom to canvass for votes.
But billboards are replaceable; human lives are not. While applauding the IGP’s stance, we urge him to extend the same stern warning and enforcement zeal to thugs who assault opposition members during campaigns. A police force that punishes the tearing of a poster but ignores the breaking of a skull will have its priorities questioned. Allowing such attacks to continue could erode the foundations of our democracy.
Consider the African Democratic Congress (ADC) presidential campaign flag-off in Sokoto State on November 4, 2026. The party alleged that the State Government denied it access to public facilities, sealed its campaign venue and pressured hotels to reject its delegates, forcing it to hold the rally at its secretariat. The Sokoto authorities, however, denied instructing hotels to turn guests away. More seriously, two suspected ADC supporters were reportedly shot along the Sokoto–Wurno Road while travelling to the venue, allegedly by operatives of the Sokoto State Community Guards.
Whatever the truth of these competing accounts, a shooting demands more than press statements. It requires a transparent, independent investigation and prosecution where warranted. Sokoto was not an isolated incident. The following day in Birnin Kebbi, the ADC presidential campaign convoy was reportedly attacked by armed gangs. Amnesty International said vehicles were vandalised, people assaulted with cutlasses and roads blocked, while the party’s Kebbi governorship candidate, Abubakar Malami, alleged that media equipment was destroyed and tear gas deployed. His convoy had suffered a similar attack in the city in September 2025.
The Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC) has suffered similar attacks. On November 4, hoodlums stoned the motorcade of its presidential candidate, Peter Obi, and running mate, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, at Watt Market roundabout in Calabar, Cross River State. Police reported arresting a 27-year-old suspect, Victor Edet, although it remains unclear whether he has been arraigned. The State Government has denied suggestions that ruling-party supporters were responsible. Worse, in Asaba, Delta State, one person was killed and five injured when suspected thugs attacked an NDC rally. A death at a political rally is no longer a warning; it is a damning indictment of the prevailing political climate.
Even critics of the establishment who are not frontrunners have not been spared. Omoyele Sowore, presidential candidate of the African Action Congress (AAC), was attacked by suspected thugs at a restaurant in Ado-Ekiti on October 30. He alleged that the assailants were linked to the Ekiti State Government House and that the Department of State Services leaked his location. Both the State Government and the security service denied involvement, while the police reported a minor injury and a discreet investigation. These conflicting accounts make an independent, publicly reported inquiry indispensable.
What deepens the concern is the Federal Government’s apparent silence. We are unaware of any specific, forceful condemnation of these assaults, even as All Progressives Congress (APC) rallies appear to proceed nationwide without incident. Such silence can easily be misconstrued as complicity, regardless of intent.
According to the Centre for Democracy and Development, 109 election-related deaths were recorded in the build-up to the 2023 polls. The Kimpact Development Initiative separately documented 238 incidents and 24 deaths during the general elections. Beyond Nigeria, Kenya’s 2007–08 post-election violence claimed more than 1,000 lives, according to the Waki Commission. Ghana, by contrast, enacted the Vigilantism and Related Offences Act in 2019 to curb party vigilante groups, a model worth studying.
The remedies are neither exotic nor expensive. The IGP should extend his directive to cover assaults on individuals and disruptions of rallies, while establishing a dedicated investigative unit to probe the Sokoto shooting and the attacks in Kebbi, Calabar, Asaba and Ado-Ekiti. It should publish the status of each case within a fixed period. Suspects must be prosecuted and their sponsors, regardless of party or position, brought to justice. State-backed security outfits, including the Community Guards, should be audited and barred from partisan duties.
The Federal Government must speak and act unequivocally. President Tinubu should specifically condemn attacks on opposition candidates and direct all security agencies to guarantee equal protection for every party. Governors must ensure equal access to public facilities for registered parties. The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), which has warned of fines and imprisonment under the Electoral Act 2026 for inflammatory campaign conduct, should enforce the Code of Conduct for Political Parties. Working with the Inter-Agency Consultative Committee on Election Security, it should publish a joint security plan covering campaigns, polling, and collation. Parties must discipline their supporters, courts expedite electoral-violence trials, and civil society and the media maintain a public record of incidents and their outcomes.
The credibility of the 2027 elections is at stake. An election is credible only when every contender can campaign, travel, assemble and speak freely, without fear. Without a free opposition, there can be no meaningful democracy. Nigeria is not a one-party State, and law enforcement agencies must demonstrate their neutrality through action, not communiqués. The campaign atmosphere is too tense to be left to chance. Billboards deserve protection, certainly, but citizens deserve it far more.
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