Editorial
NASS’ Attempt To Trivialise NDDC
A move by some Senators from other regions, especially from the South-West, to incorporate non-Niger Delta states in the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) was outrightly shunned by lawmakers from the oil-producing areas, hence, resulting in intense bickering in the upper chamber.
This followed a debate on a Bill for an Act to amend the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) for the inclusion of new oil-producing areas and states (into NDDC) and other matters connected therewith sponsored by Senator Adeola Olamilekan (Lagos West). The bill, seeking to domicile states that have realised the status of oil-producing states into the NDDC, was first read in the Red Chamber on 17th December, 2019.
Arguing for the bill, Olamilekan said following the discovery of crude oil in Alkaleri Local Government Area of Bauchi; Badagry in Lagos; and Ipokia in Ogun States, they should officially join the consortium of oil-producing states in Nigeria. The senator claimed that they were entitled to the 13per cent derivation due to oil-producing states in line with Section 162 Sub-Section 2 of the Nigerian Constitution.
The Lagos senator also said the inclusion of the new oil-producing states in the Act was cost-effective and followed precedence. “In conclusion, this amendment is to accord the same provisions of the law amongst other benefits accrued to oil-producing states in Nigeria to the new oil-producing states and future oil-producing states,” Olamilekan said.
Expectedly, senators from the Niger Delta region characterised the Bill as parsimonious and dead on arrival. The Deputy Senate President, Ovie Omo-Agege, depicted Senator Olamilekan as a meddlesome interloper while rejecting his filibuster. Omo-Agege said dealing with the 13per cent derivation was not an issue.
“To us, that is not an issue. The issue is whether or not just because they are oil-producing states they should come under NDDC. The commission is a regional development commission. We must draw a distinction between the NDDC and the oil and mineral producing commission,” said Omo-Agege.
Similarly, Senator George Sekibo (PDP-Rivers East) said: “I congratulate these states where my friend said they have discovered oil. What I don’t know is whether the oil is in commercial quantity and they are drilling them out for sales and the money going to Nigerian coffers. That one, he has not expatiated on that one. Are they exploring oil; are they refining oil in these places and has the oil caused any devastation in that environment?”
Also, Senator Matthew Urhoghide (PDP–Edo South) submitted: “I’m not particularly against the sponsor of this bill. I just believe that the bill should be properly posited. The area that constitutes Niger Delta is very clear. The nine states of the Niger Delta region are very clear. Today, what each state gets from the 13% derivation is a function of production. Gombe is fast becoming a host community; Bauchi and some other states. But to say these states belong to the Niger Delta region is not possible.”
Each time the minority stand to benefit from a policy or law in the country, it will be blubbered and invalidated. Such is the case here. We are in support of the senators from the South-South region for their unmitigated rejection of the bill to include Bauchi, Lagos, Ogun and other states in the NDDC Act. The bill is provocative, subversive and a premeditated undertaking to smuggle into the NDDC Act some non-contiguous states that defy the definition of the Niger Delta as a geographical entity.
This development is a bid to all the leaders and well-meaning indigenes of the Niger Delta to advance and speak against the systematised move by the Federal Government to extirpate the region. While we commend Omo-Agege, Sekibo, Urhoghide and other members of the Senate for their stand on the bill, we specifically urge the youths to back them on their audacious and commendable rejection.
The position of the opposing senators indicates that in the National Assembly, there are still men of honour from the Niger Delta region, unlike others who have kept on treating their region with disdain despite the transient positions they are holding. The bill for the inclusion of these strange bedfellows in the NDDC confirms the age-old view that the region has indeed become a toy to be played with by some Abuja politicians and the Federal Government.
This bill is obnoxious and reprehensible. Our opinion is that such states should be merely described as oil-producing and made to enjoy just 13per cent derivation and not be included in the interventionist agency because it is meant to serve the development expectations of the Niger Delta based on the deprivation and environmental degradation of the area, which is part of the recommendations of the 1958 Willinks Commission Report.
If oil is found in Anambra, Kogi, Bauchi and Lagos States, there is an extant law that states 13percent should be given to them but that should not qualify them as Niger Delta states. If crude oil is found in Kano, it should relish the 13per cent but the NDDC should remain to address the intrinsic challenges of the people. If, for instance, all the states become oil-producing, will they be known as members of NDDC?
That is why we think that the ongoing amendment of the NDDC Act to include non-Niger Delta oil states amounts to bastardisation and is offensive. If allowed to stand, it means the very essence of recognising the region as having its peculiar challenges and needs to be addressed so that it can catch up with the rest of the country in terms of infrastructure, amenities, capacity development, among others, will be defeated.
Rather than embark on a gratuitous amendment of the NDDC Act, our Distinguished Senators should mount pressure on the Federal Government to inaugurate a substantive board for the commission, publish the forensic audit report on the agency to demonstrate its commitment to openness to underscore the integrity of the entire process and bring to completion the means for the recovery of funds from contractors, firms, politicians, and staff indicted by the forensic audit report. That is the way to go.
Editorial
That Oshiomhole’s Call On FG’s Road Projects
There are moments in the life of a legislature when plain speaking becomes a public service. Senator Adams Oshiomhole provided such a moment on the floor of the Senate when he accused the Minister of Works, Senator David Umahi, of manifestly neglecting critical federal arteries in Edo and Delta States, and implored his colleagues to prevail on the Minister to adopt a more equitable and genuinely national approach to road infrastructure delivery. It was blunt, it was uncomfortable, and it was necessary.
The specifics of his complaint deserve restating. Drawing attention to the recent approval of some 20 new road projects despite the parlous state of existing ones, the former Edo State governor lamented that Nigerians cannot travel from Benin to Warri, Benin to Asaba, Benin to Auchi, or Auchi to Okene without encountering severe distress. He alleged a deliberate omission of these corridors from the national budget in the last three years, save for palliative interventions directed by President Bola Tinubu through tax credit arrangements. His question — “What have we done wrong?” — resonates far beyond the chambers of the National Assembly.
We lend our full and unequivocal support to that call. The Auchi-Benin Road, for instance, has been in a deplorable and near-impassable condition for several years, turning what should be a two-hour journey into an all-day ordeal of broken axles, extortionate fares, and despondent commuters. The media have, on multiple occasions, chronicled the suffering of motorists, traders, and students who ply that route. To describe it as a federal road today is to stretch the meaning of the term beyond recognition.
This pattern of sidelining is not confined to Edo or Delta. Even here in Rivers State, the disposition of the Federal Ministry of Works has left much to be desired, particularly along the Eleme axis of the East-West Road. That road, which ought to be a flagship of federal presence in the Niger Delta, has remained in a wretched state for long. Those who use it daily — workers at the Eleme Petrochemical Complex, the two refineries, Onne Port, and the countless ancillary industries — can attest to its deterioration. Work has proceeded in fits and starts without the sustained urgency such a strategic road demands.
The Eleme stretch is not a mere intra-state byway. It is the gateway to the nation’s economic jugular. According to the Federal Ministry of Works and Housing’s 2023 Highway Condition Survey, only about 35 per cent of the country’s 36,000 kilometres of federal roads are rated as being in good or fair condition, with the remainder classified as poor or very poor. The East-West Road, conceived in the 1970s to bind the entire Niger Delta, remains unfinished in critical sections more than four decades after. If it had been treated as a priority, the perennial gridlock, carnage, and economic loss on the Eleme-Refinery junction would have long been consigned to history.
The irony is as painful as it is glaring. The Niger Delta remains the goose that lays the golden eggs. Data from the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative [NEITI 2023 Oil and Gas Audit] show that the region still accounts for over 78 per cent of Nigeria’s federally collected export earnings and about 65 per cent of total government revenue. The National Bureau of Statistics [NBS Foreign Trade Report Q4 2024] similarly confirms that crude oil continues to dominate export receipts. By every metric of equity and economic logic, a region that sustains the national purse deserves first-rate consideration in the allocation of infrastructure, not afterthoughts and tokenism.
Road infrastructure is not largesse to be dispensed by favour; it is the skeleton upon which commerce, cohesion, and citizenship hang. When contracts are concentrated in one geopolitical zone while other zones are left to contend with craters, it erodes trust in the federation itself. The World Bank’s Nigeria Development Update [June 2023] estimated that poor transport connectivity inflates the cost of moving goods by up to 40 per cent and costs the Nigerian economy an estimated $1.5 billion annually in lost man-hours and vehicle maintenance. If we profess to be one country, then equity must be the compass that guides key institutions before any project is executed. Development must spread round, not pool in one place as though other regions do not matter.
There is also a grave security dimension that can no longer be ignored. The deplorable condition of federal roads has become a veritable enabler of criminality. The NBS Crime Experience and Security Perception Survey reported over 2.5 million incidents of kidnapping-related occurrences nationally, with transport workers identifying bad road spots as prime ambush points. When vehicles are forced to crawl at 10 kilometres per hour through failed sections at Auchi, Sapele Road, or Eleme, they become sitting ducks for armed gangs. Fixing bad roads, therefore, is not merely about convenience; it is about safeguarding lives.
By his intervention, Senator Oshiomhole has hit the nail on the head and reminded Minister Umahi of a fundamental constitutional truth: public office is held in trust. The Ministry of Works is not a personal estate where contracts are awarded according to whim or political convenience. It is a national institution funded by the collective resources of Nigerians, including the oil and gas rents from the very communities whose roads are now neglected. The Minister must demonstrate balance, transparency, and a pan-Nigerian outlook in the distribution of projects that impact the daily existence of citizens. Selective neglect breeds suspicion, and suspicion is corrosive at a time when the nation is preaching unity, oneness, equity, and justice.
Consequently, the National Assembly must go beyond rhetoric and assert its oversight powers with vigour. Sections 88 and 89 of the 1999 Constitution [as amended] empower the legislature to investigate and expose any maladministration in the execution of federal projects. If an office holder is not acting rightly, it is the duty of the Senate and the House of Representatives to call him to order. Oversight must not be reduced to budget approval ceremonies; it must translate to field verification, public hearings, and insistence that the Federal Character principle, as enshrined in Section 14(3) of the Constitution, reflects in road awards.
Let the Auchi-Okene, Benin-Warri, Benin-Asaba, and Eleme East-West gangways be restored to motorable dignity. Let priority be given to completing existing, economically vital roads before embarking on new ones. If those who, through their resources, sustain the federation are sidelined in the distribution of tangible dividends, it tells poorly of our nationhood. Bad roads must be fixed, and they must be fixed now, with fairness as the guiding standard.
Editorial
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