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Editorial

For Seamless Voter Registration

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In the run-up to the 2023 general elections, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has
launched the Continuous Voter Registration (CVR) across the country. This follows a three-year suspension of the exercise in 2018 to allow the commission to produce the Permanent Voter Cards used for the 2019 general election.
However, after the 2019 general election, INEC failed to proceed with the CVR as required by the Electoral Act. This disenfranchised many eligible voters of the off-season elections in Ondo, Bayelsa, Edo and Kogi States, as well as other by-elections. Those who would have participated in local government elections in some states were equally denied the opportunity to be part of the ballot since INEC voters register is a significant basis of the polls.
These deprivations had a major impact on the possibility of quality leaders emerging from the process. Furthermore, it is against global democratic standards. Though the electoral body had kept referring to the creation of 56,872 additional polling units in the country as reason for the long suspension of the registration exercise, we consider it untenable. While the creation of more units is desirable, both activities would have been executed simultaneously.
INEC’s failure to register new voters that turned 18 years for the long period of lull, has deprived them their right to vote as provided for in the extant laws, and has similarly increased the number of unregistered voters in the country. To facilitate its work, it is important that the electoral umpire adopts developments in other countries. For example, in Argentina and Australia, persons at the age of 16 and 17 are placed on provisional lists and are immediately transferred to the voters list as they turn 18. This makes voter registration an on-going event in these countries.
If what INEC Chairman, Mahmood Yakubu, let out that the commission was hoping to register 20 million persons in the current registration activity, bringing the total number of voters to about 100 million is anything to go by, then the body has a herculean task to accomplish. But the question is, does the electoral umpire have the ability to register the number of Nigerians in the short period allocated to this exercise?
Experience has shown that voter registration exercises are hardly successful without hitches. Normally, the one year specified for the activity should be sufficiently long to exclude barriers. But in many cases, the registrants complain that they are being asked to donate money or provide logistics, like fuel to power the generators so they can be registered. This is unacceptable and inhibits participation.
The commission should put an end to extortion and simplify the enrolment of eligible Nigerians. Some voters have relocated, but are having trouble exercising their right to vote because their PVCs have not been transferred to their new locations. INEC needs to effect such changes to stimulate voter participation and avoid double registration, which has often facilitated redundant voting practices.
We welcome the decision by the election agency to open a portal for voter pre-registration. This is a viable innovation that will ease the awful predicament of registrants and reduce the time it takes to register. There is no question that it will also decongest enrollment centres, particularly in light of the Covid-19 pandemic. However, the website should be configured in a manner that effectively supports a lot of traffic without collapsing.
Following the recent attacks on its offices, notably in the South-East and South-South, INEC must be wary of security threats. Yakubu has recently indicated similar concerns. Therefore, security agents must ensure the safety of INEC personnel and registration centres, especially those located in incendiary areas. States and local governments must assist in ensuring safety in this regard. Nigerians need to be proactive and protect INEC installations as well. They can provide intelligence to security officials about suspicious movements.
As information and communications technology advances, voter registration should be a flawless performance. Fortunately, Nigeria has several means of identifying citizens, some of which include the National Identity Number, the Bank Verification Number and vehicle driving licence, all of which have the biometric data of Nigerians, including age and nationality, the two requirements for voting. Efforts must, therefore, be made to synchronize all data bases. After all, in many countries, citizens are obliged to provide only one piece of ID to vote.
There is also a need to facilitate the collection process of PVCs. Since many Nigerians apply for visas within the country by simply mailing their passports to the relevant foreign missions and their passports are returned to them through courier services, INEC can do likewise at a cost to the voter as this would reduce the number of uncollected PVCs, which stands at over one million in Lagos State alone based on the commission’s admission.
If executed with care, the process will also reduce the needless community of people during this Covid-19 pandemic. In addition, the voting of minors, which has become widespread in certain parts of the country, begins with questionable registration. It remains a crime and INEC would do well to penalise errant workers who engage in the registration of children.
Nigerians must resist the temptation to wait until the last minute to register, as this could prove deleterious, as previous experiences have shown. A credible register of voters is the first step in carrying out elections and INEC needs to play its role effectively. Civil Society Organisations and other stakeholders should play their role well by fostering registration through effective support.

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Editorial

June 12: The Faltering Democratic Journey

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Nigeria today marks Democracy Day, an occasion set aside to celebrate the country’s democratic journey and reflect on the sacrifices made by citizens in the struggle for representative government. The day is both a celebration and a reminder that democracy is not merely about periodic elections. It is also about freedom, justice, accountability, security, and the welfare of the people.
June 12 occupies a special place in Nigeria’s political history because it commemorates the presidential election of June 12, 1993, widely regarded as the freest, fairest, and most credible election ever conducted in the country. The election was won by late Chief Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola, but the military government of General Ibrahim Babangida annulled the results, plunging the nation into political turmoil and a prolonged struggle for democratic rule.
For many years, Nigeria celebrated Democracy Day on May 29 because that was the date when military rule ended and power was handed over to a democratically elected government in 1999. However, in 2018, the administration of late President Muhammadu Buhari officially moved Democracy Day from May 29 to June 12. The change was intended to honour the sacrifices of those who fought against military dictatorship and to recognise the importance of the annulled 1993 election.
More than two decades after the return to civilian rule, Nigeria’s democratic record presents a mixture of progress and disappointment. The country has maintained uninterrupted civilian government since 1999, making it the longest democratic period in its post-independence history. Yet, the quality of governance and democratic institutions remains a matter of concern.
On political rights, Nigeria has made modest gains. Citizens have the constitutional right to vote and contest elections, and political parties operate freely. However, concerns have always been about voter apathy, political violence, and the influence of money in politics. In the 2023 general election, fewer than 30 per cent of registered voters cast their ballots, highlighting declining public confidence in the electoral process.
Civil liberties have improved compared with the military era, but challenges persist. Citizens enjoy greater freedom to express opinions, organise groups, and participate in public debates. Nevertheless, reports of unlawful arrests, harassment of activists, and restrictions on peaceful protests raise questions about the full protection of civil freedoms.
Electoral integrity has shown some improvement through the deployment of technology by the Independent National Electoral Commission. Yet disputes over election management, vote buying, rigging, logistical failures, and prolonged litigation undermine public trust. Many Nigerians still believe electoral reforms have not gone far enough to guarantee completely transparent elections.
Freedom of expression and association are relatively vibrant. Traditional and social media platforms provide citizens with avenues to criticise government policies and mobilise public opinion. However, journalists, activists, and media organisations occasionally face intimidation, legal pressures, and threats that create concerns about press freedom and democratic openness.
Security is one of Nigeria’s weakest democratic indicators. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, farmer-herder conflicts in parts of the Middle Belt, separatist tensions in the South-East, and widespread kidnapping have created a climate of fear. Thousands of lives have been lost in violent attacks over the past decade, while many communities live under constant security threats.
The rule of law and judicial independence present a mixed picture. Nigerian courts have delivered landmark judgments that have strengthened democracy and resolved electoral disputes peacefully. Yet allegations of political interference, delays in the justice system, and concerns over selective application of the law affect public confidence in the judiciary.
Protection of individual rights and checks on executive power are among areas requiring improvement. Although constitutional safeguards exist, enforcement is often inconsistent. Institutions responsible for oversight, including the legislature and anti-corruption agencies, sometimes face accusations of weakness or partisanship. Strong democratic systems require institutions that can operate independently of political influence.
On accountability and transparency, Nigeria has made some progress through public procurement reforms, digital financial systems, and increased access to information. Yet corruption remains a major obstacle. Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index has consistently ranked Nigeria among countries facing serious corruption challenges. The misuse of public resources undermines development and public trust.
Citizen participation in governance has expanded through civil society organisations, community groups, and digital engagement. However, many citizens still feel disconnected from decision-making processes. Economically, democracy has not delivered the level of prosperity many expected. Despite being Africa’s most populous nation, Nigeria has been struggling with high inflation, unemployment, poverty, and a rising cost of living. Effective and responsive government remains a challenge as many Nigerians demand better public services, infrastructure, healthcare, and education.
As Nigeria marks Democracy Day, the path forward is clear. Electoral reforms must be strengthened to improve transparency and public confidence. Security agencies must be better equipped and held accountable. Judicial independence should be protected, while anti-corruption institutions must be empowered to act without fear or favour. Governments at all levels should embrace transparency, respect human rights, and prioritise economic policies that create jobs and improve living standards.
Above all, citizens must actively engage in governance. Democracy flourishes not only through elections but also through continuous participation, vigilance, and accountability. The promise of June 12 will be fully realised only when democratic governance delivers freedom, justice, security, and prosperity to all Nigerians.
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Editorial

Fix Bad Roads, Avert Flooding In PH

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For many years, residents of Port Harcourt have suffered from deplorable roads and persistent flooding. During the rainy season, movement becomes difficult and business activities are often disrupted. Thankfully, there has been some relief in one major area. Since Governor Siminalayi Fubara addressed the flooding problem along Ikwerre Road by Afikpo Junction, the situation has improved significantly. Even after heavy rainfall, the area no longer experiences the usual flooding, and vehicles can now move freely without difficulty. This intervention deserves accolade and commendation.
Another notable project is the ongoing drainage reconfiguration at NTA Road, opposite the Nigerian Television Authority. The work being carried out there shows that the government recognises the connection between poor drainage and deteriorated roads. Once completed, the project could become a good example of how proper planning and infrastructure maintenance can improve urban roads. The administration should be encouraged to sustain this undertaking.
While the governor continues to carry out development projects across the state, attention should also be given to Obi Wali Road in Obio/Akpor Local Government Area. The road has remained in decrepit condition for years despite its importance as a major economic route. Whenever it rains, flooding stretches from Rumuigbo Junction to Nkpolu Junction, forcing businesses to discontinue operations for the day. According to traders in the area, several shops shut down after every heavy rainfall. This situation cannot continue indefinitely.
Fubara should spend more time scrutinising roads and infrastructure across Port Harcourt personally rather than depending entirely on reports from officials. His intervention at Ikwerre Road was successful because he saw the problem firsthand and understood the extent of the tribulations faced by motorists and residents. The same practical approach should now be replicated on Obi Wali Road.
A visit to the area during rainfall would clearly reveal how quickly the road becomes impenetrable. Vehicles struggle to move through the flooded sections, while pedestrians are forced to walk through unsanitary water. Direct assessment often provides a clearer understanding of problems and can lead to quicker and more efficacious solutions.
The current condition of Obi Wali Road is similar to what Elelenwo Road looked like before it was reconstructed under the administration of former Governor Nyesom Wike. After the road was metamorphosed, the area became more accessible, attractive and serviceable. Today, Elelenwo Road accommodates heavy traffic daily without major flooding issues. There is no reason Obi Wali Road should not receive similar attention. What is required is commitment and political fortitude.
The Airforce and Rumuomasi section of the Port Harcourt–Aba Road, beginning from Shoprite to PAMO, also remains in very poor predicament. During heavy rainfall, flooding affects the stretch from Lagos Bus Stop to Market Junction, covering almost 1.2 kilometres. As a result, motorists are forced to circumnavigate through Old Aba Road before reconnecting at Rumubiakani or Market Junction. This often adds between 20 and 30 minutes to expeditions during the rainy season.
The situation is becoming increasingly disconcerting. Smaller vehicles frequently avoid the route whenever it rains heavily. Reports from local transport operators indicate that many private and commercial vehicles circumvent the area on rainy days. Sadly, this has become a perennial problem every rainy season, despite changes in government over the years. The current administration should focus on providing a permanent solution rather than temporary repairs that fail after a short time.
Flooding is also common along the NTA–Choba Road near Choba Market, opposite Royal House of Grace Church. Although the road itself is in fairly good condition, blocked drainage channels continue to create encumbrances whenever it rains. In addition, potholes are beginning to materialise along Obiri Ikwerre Road leading towards NTA Road. If these faults are ignored, they will eventually develop into major road degeneration.
Other areas in urgent need of attention include Mile 3 Market Road to Wokoma Street, which floods after torrential rainfall, and Gambia Junction at Mile 2 Diobu, where flooding has become ubiquitous. Okporo Road, the stretch from Rumuodara Junction to Artillery, Bereton Junction, and Miniesuku Junction near Halley College are all in dilapidated condition. Altogether, these roads affect the daily movement of hundreds of residents across the city.
To address these challenges effectively, the state government should establish a specialised road maintenance agency responsible for identifying and repairing damaged roads before they deteriorate completely. Regular inspections and preemptive maintenance would help reduce long-term reconstruction costs and improve road safety across Port Harcourt.
Local government councils also have an important role to play. Each council should maintain meticulous records of roads within its jurisdiction and monitor their condition regularly. Responsibility for road maintenance should not rest entirely on the state government. Better synergy between state and local authorities would ensure that no road is overlooked.
Governor Siminalayi Fubara has already shown positive leadership through the improvements at Ikwerre Road. Residents now hope that the same commitment will be cloned across other troubled areas in Port Harcourt so that the city could finally experience safer roads, better drainage and unobstructed movement for everyone.
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Editorial

Nigeria’s 27 Years of Civil Rule Journey

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Nigeria returned to civil rule on May 29, 1999, after several years of military intervention in politics. The transition marked a major turning point in the nation’s history and raised hopes for freedom, stability, economic growth and accountable leadership. Citizens expected that elected governments would strengthen institutions, improve living conditions and unite the country after years of authoritarian rule. Twenty-seven years later, civil rule has survived without interruption, making it the longest uninterrupted civilian administration since independence in 1960.
Since 1999, Nigeria has witnessed six administrations at the federal level. Olusegun Obasanjo governed from 1999 to 2007, followed by Umaru Musa Yar’Adua from 2007 until his death in 2010. Goodluck Jonathan served from 2010 to 2015, while Muhammadu Buhari led the country between 2015 and 2023. Since May 2023, Bola Ahmed Tinubu has been in office. Though democracy has remained stable, governance outcomes have produced mixed reactions among Nigerians.
The country has made some notable progress over the past 27 years. Democratic institutions such as the National Assembly, judiciary, political parties and the media have become stronger than they were during military rule. Elections are now regular, though still imperfect. Telecommunications, banking, entertainment and digital technology have expanded greatly. Nigerian youths have also become more politically aware and active. The country’s economy, despite its difficulties, remains one of the largest in Africa.
However, many of the expectations that came with democracy remain unmet. Corruption, unemployment, poverty, insecurity and poor infrastructure continue to trouble the nation. Public confidence in government institutions has weakened over time because many citizens believe political leaders have not done enough to improve their welfare. Ethnic and religious tensions also remain major challenges. While democracy has endured, good governance has not always matched the hopes of the people.
President Tinubu’s administration began with bold economic decisions aimed at reforming the nation’s finances. His government removed fuel subsidy and unified the foreign exchange system. Supporters argue that these measures were necessary to reduce waste and attract investment. The government also increased revenue allocation to states and sought to improve tax administration. Yet the immediate impact has been severe hardship for millions of Nigerians. Inflation, high transport costs and the falling value of the naira have placed enormous pressure on households and businesses.
In education, the Tinubu administration has promised reforms through student loan schemes, support for technical education and efforts to reduce strikes in tertiary institutions. Some progress has been recorded with the establishment of the Nigerian Education Loan Fund. However, public schools still face poor funding, inadequate facilities and shortage of teachers. Many students continue to struggle with rising school fees and declining quality of education.
The health sector under the current administration has also recorded both efforts and challenges. Government has pledged to improve health insurance coverage. Nevertheless, hospitals across the country still suffer from inadequate equipment, shortage of medical personnel and brain drain as doctors and nurses continue to leave Nigeria for better opportunities abroad. Access to affordable healthcare remains difficult for many rural communities.
The power sector remains one of Nigeria’s biggest disappointments after nearly three decades of democracy. Despite repeated promises and reforms, electricity supply is still unstable. Businesses and households spend heavily on generators and fuel. The Tinubu administration has introduced policies aimed at decentralising power generation and encouraging investment, but ordinary Nigerians are yet to feel significant improvement in electricity supply.
The rising cost of living has become the greatest concern for many Nigerians today. Food prices, transportation costs and rent have increased sharply. Though the Federal Government introduced palliative programmes and cash transfer initiatives to cushion the effects of reforms, many citizens believe the interventions have been inadequate or poorly distributed. There is growing demand for more effective social protection programmes targeted at vulnerable citizens.
On national security, the government continues to battle terrorism, banditry, kidnapping and communal violence. Security agencies have recorded some successes in parts of the country, yet insecurity remains widespread. Farmers in many rural communities still face attacks, affecting food production and increasing fear among citizens. Regional stability in West Africa has also become more uncertain due to political crises in neighbouring countries. Nigeria continues to play a leading diplomatic role in the region, but internal security challenges weaken its influence.
In infrastructure and other key sectors, the Tinubu administration has continued several road, rail and housing projects inherited from previous governments. Investments in ports, gas and digital technology have also been encouraged. In agriculture, government has promoted mechanised farming, dry season cultivation and access to credit. Yet food insecurity remains high because insecurity, inflation and poor rural infrastructure continue to affect agricultural productivity. Nigeria still imports many food items despite its vast agricultural potential.
To improve national conditions, the Federal Government must place greater attention on job creation, industrialisation and support for small businesses. More investment is needed in agriculture, healthcare, education and electricity. Anti-corruption institutions should be strengthened while government spending must become more transparent. Leaders must also prioritise national unity and reduce political divisions. Nigerians expect reforms that produce visible improvements in their daily lives, not only policy announcements.
In Rivers State, the 27 years of civilian rule have produced substantial development alongside political tensions. The state has remained economically important because of its oil and gas resources. Different administrations since 1999 have invested in roads, schools, healthcare facilities and urban renewal projects. However, political conflicts and struggles for power have often affected governance and slowed development in parts of the state.
Governor Siminalayi Fubara assumed office in May 2023 amid high expectations and intense political disagreements. In infrastructure, his administration has initiated projects such as massive road construction, bridge rehabilitation and urban development schemes in parts of the state. Ongoing works on major roads and public facilities have been presented as efforts to improve transportation and economic activities. Critics, however, argue that political instability in the state has distracted government’s attention from faster project delivery.
In education and health, the Rivers State Government has continued support for public schools and healthcare centres. Efforts have reportedly been made to improve learning environments and sustain payment of workers’ salaries. In health, there have been interventions in hospitals and primary healthcare services. On security, the administration has worked with security agencies to maintain peace, although political tensions in the state have created uncertainty. In the civil service, workers and pensioners have largely continued to receive salaries, stipends, and welfare support. The state government has also shown interest in agriculture and power development, though these sectors still require stronger investment and clearer long term strategies.
Going forward, Rivers State needs greater political stability to achieve meaningful development. The government should focus more on rural roads, youth employment, agricultural expansion and uninterrupted healthcare services. Investments in independent power projects and industrial development would help attract businesses and reduce unemployment. Above all, political leaders in the state must place the interest of the people above personal or factional battles. Democracy can only succeed when governance delivers peace, development, and hope to ordinary citizens.
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