Editorial

Beyond South Sudan’s Independence

Published

15 years ago

July 19, 2011

Before July 9, 2011, Sudan was regarded as the largest country in Africa with impressive potentials. However, after attaining its second independence, first in 1956, before South Sudan’s sovereign status, Sudan’s history, no doubt, has been re-written.

For historians, Sudan’s transmutation was not only a dream come true but an action whose time has come. From onset, they believed the crisis stage was set when the first Arab-led Khartoum government reneged on the promises of a federal system, leading to mutiny by Southern soldiers that sparked 17 years of civil war between 1955 and 1972.

Another failed promise in governance by the regime of Maj-Gen. Abrahim Abboud caused resentment which compelled the military to relinquish power in 1964. The same story continued between 1966 and 1969 when Sudan had governments that neither agreed on a permanent constitution nor coped with problems of factionalism, economic stagnation and ethnic dissidence. The second coup de’ tat of May 25, 1969 enthroned Col Gaafar Nimeiry as prime minister, who also suffered another coup arising from dispute between Marxist and non-Marxist elements in the military.

What was considered the second civil war was re-ignited in the South following Sudan’s Islamisation policy. Yet, another coup de’ tat occurred in 1989 that brought in Omar al-Bashir as the new leader who soon declared himself the president. Al-Bashir’s administration met with a new form of resistance in 2003 when Sudan Liberation Movement (SLM) and Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) began in the Western region of Darfur. It took the intervention of Chad in 2004 to facilitate a humanitarian ceasefire even as the war continued.

The African Union had to step in and introduced a Cease-Fire Commission (CFC) to monitor its observance with 300 Rwandan and Nigerian troops. However, a final peace treaty between the North and Southern rebels was signed on January 9, 2005 in Nairobi promising that:The South will have authonomy for six years and a referendum on seccession; in case of negative result from the referendum, both sides would merge their armed forces; income from oil fields to be shared equally; Islamic law remains in the North while elected Assembly in the South would decide use of Sharia in the area; and jobs to be split accordingly in varying ratios, more in favour of government.

Incidentally, not a few political observers saw the January 2011 referendum as a forgone conclusion which it turned out to be. The people of South Sudan spoke with one voice as a prelude to the July 9, 2011 independence when they entered the biblical Promised Land, thus opening a new chapter in their chequered history.

Just after the Speaker of parliament, James Wani Igga declared South Sudan a sovereign nation, the first foreign dignitary to react was Kenya’s President, Mwai Kibaki, who said his country “fully recognises South Sudan.” Leader of the United States delegation, Susan Rice noted that “independence is not a gift you were given, but is a prize you won,” even as she saluted Dr. John Garang and others who could not make it to “Canaan.”

Also, United Nations Secretary General, Ban Ki-moon said that Africa’s 54th United Nations member’s sovereignty was, “both a right and great responsibility.” For Ethiopia’s Meles Zenawi, his country was “welcoming you as a full member of IGAD”, the East African bloc. According to China’s Special Envoy, Hu Jintao, it was their expectation that the two Sudans would be “good neighbours, partners and brothers forever,” just as Robert Zoellick of the World Bank Group pledged to be “a strong partner as we help transform a day of independence into a decade of development.”

But for President Goodluck Jonathan, the occasion marked the beginning of a new dawn for the people of South Sudan, while pledging Nigeria’s continuous support in the task of building a new nation.

Indeed, the tasks are legion. The new government must ensure that Sudan’s inglorious historic past has no place in the new country. Leaders of South Sudan must eschew divisive actions and inactions.

Their new constitution should check internal conflicts and guarantee peace which would engender genuine development. Despite its oil, South Sudan remains one of the poorest nations of the world with 85 per cent wide-spread illiteracy, meager infrastructure and pervasive internal rebellion.

As the 196th country in the world and the 193rd member of the United Nations, South Sudan’s first President, Salva Kiir must embark on aggressive education of the citizenry who are expected to take up responsibilities in various aspects of the country’s development – locally and internationally – or they would remain isolated.

He must confront the evils of tribalism and pervasive corruption which overwhelmed the country for years. He should avoid any form of seclusion and run an all-inclusive government to retain the trust of other tribes in the union.

Also, Kiir should be wary of delicate issues of North and South and seek appropriate means of sharing oil proceeds as the South’s economy fully depends on it.

No doubt, the events in Sudan should interest the people of Nigeria as both countries have so many things in common. They share same diversity, population and natural endowment. Also, they are confronted with almost similar geographical disposition of North –South dichotomy, always playing up threatening religious and ethnic differences.

Nigerians should, therefore, know that the advantages of diversity could turn destructive if mismanaged just like in Sudan where more than three million people lost their lives and over four million were displaced because of irreconcilable differences which made it impossible to sustain one peaceful democratic nation.

Editorial

Improving Surveillance in Rivers’ Boundary Communities

Published

3 days ago

July 27, 2026

The Tide

The Rivers State Government’s promise to improve boundary security has given residents hope at a time when insecurity is becoming a serious concern. Speaking at the 3rd Annual National Assembly/Border and Boundary Community Stakeholders’ Interface in Abuja, Deputy Governor Ngozi Nma Odu called for stronger cooperation between the Federal Government, security agencies, traditional rulers, and local communities. The meeting focused on how better border/boundary management can improve security and support economic growth. Rivers people now expect these promises to lead to real action.

However, many residents are asking whether enough is being done to protect the state’s boundaries. Crimes that were once common only in some northern parts of the country are now being reported in Rivers State. According to the Nigeria Security Tracker of the Council on Foreign Relations, the South-South recorded 287 violent deaths linked to crime in 2025, representing a 19 per cent increase compared with 2023. These figures show that strong action is urgently needed.

Many communities, especially those near state boundaries, have little or no police presence. Some have no police post or station at all, making it easier for criminals to operate. The Nigerian Bureau of Statistics reported in its 2024 Crime Survey that only 31 per cent of rural communities in the South-South have a functioning police presence within 10 kilometres. This leaves many residents without adequate protection.

There are also repeated reports that armed herders have entered forests in the Ikwerre area and other parts of the state. If these reports are correct, they should be treated as a serious security threat. Many people say they face kidnapping, attacks, and harassment from armed criminals hiding in the forests. Slow official responses have increased public worry and reduced confidence.

Although the Federal Government controls the country’s security agencies, the Rivers State Government also has an important role to play. Governor Siminalayi Fubara, as the state’s chief security officer, should take stronger steps to protect lives and property. Criminals should not be allowed to enter the state freely while people live in fear. Waiting for others to act is like burying one’s head in the sand.

Security at the state’s boundaries should start with thorough screening of everyone entering Rivers State through officially recognised entry points. The Nigeria Police Force has the authority to carry out stop-and-search operations where necessary. Well-planned, intelligence-based checks can help prevent criminals and illegal weapons from entering the state without affecting lawful travellers and businesses. Weak borders/boundaries encourage crime.

Local government chairmen should also play a leading role because they are closest to the people. They can work with vigilante groups, traditional rulers, and community leaders to gather and share useful security information. According to the CLEEN Foundation’s 2023 report, Policing and Public Safety in Nigeria, 68 per cent of Nigerians believe that properly supervised community policing helps to reduce crime. Rivers State should make better use of this approach.

The Deputy Governor’s call for inclusive border/boundary governance should include local chiefs, youth leaders, women groups, and other community stakeholders. Their involvement will improve the sharing of information and make it easier to respond quickly to security threats. After all, prevention is better than cure.

The state should also invest in modern security equipment such as drones, communication radios, and solar-powered surveillance posts at important boundary locations. These are practical tools that can improve security in a state as important and geographically complex as Rivers. No community can truly develop where people live in fear.

Better security will also strengthen the economy. Boundary communities support farming, trade, and social ties with Abia, Imo, Akwa Ibom, and Bayelsa states. Insecurity disrupts business activities, discourages investors, and affects lawful trade. The World Bank stated in its 2024 Nigeria Development Update that insecurity at the state level can reduce local economic growth by as much as 2.5 per cent each year.

The Rivers State Government should, therefore, move beyond meetings and public statements by taking practical steps. More police posts should be established, community vigilante groups should receive proper training and support, and regular security meetings should be held with neighbouring states. The decisions reached in Abuja will have little value unless they are fully implemented.

The safety of Rivers people should never be delayed or left to others alone. While cooperation with the Federal Government is necessary, the state must take the lead in protecting its people and boundaries. If urgent actions are not taken, lawlessness could become more common. Rivers State must act now before the chickens come home to roost.

Editorial

A Fair Wage for Difficult Times

Published

4 weeks ago

July 3, 2026

The Tide

The latest demand by the Federal Workers Forum (FWF) for an upward review of the national minimum wage from N70,000 to N300,000 should not be dismissed as another routine labour agitation. Rather, it should be seen as a reflection of the deep economic pain confronting millions of Nigerian workers whose purchasing power has been severely eroded by inflation, rising living costs, and a struggling economy. Whether or not the figure being demanded is attainable, the message behind it cannot be ignored.

The decision of the Forum to proceed with a nationwide protest also underscores the growing frustration among federal workers who believe that repeated appeals have produced little meaningful action. Their complaints over unpaid entitlements, wage awards, promotion arrears, and other outstanding benefits deserve prompt attention from the authorities. A government that expects dedication and productivity from its workforce must also fulfil its obligations to them.

It is significant that the Chief of Staff to the President recently acknowledged that federal workers are poorly remunerated. Such an admission is welcome because it confirms what workers have consistently argued for years. However, acknowledgement alone is insufficient. Nigerians expect practical measures that will improve workers’ welfare rather than statements that only recognise the obvious.

The economic realities confronting workers are doubtlessly harsh. Food prices have climbed beyond the reach of many families, transportation costs have risen sharply, rents continue to increase, and the cost of healthcare and education has become unbearable for many households. Salaries that appeared modest a few years ago have become grossly inadequate in today’s economic environment.

Compounding the hardship is the persistent challenge of insecurity across the country. Many workers travel daily under difficult and sometimes dangerous conditions to earn incomes that barely sustain their families. The emotional and financial burden of this situation has created widespread frustration and anxiety, contributing to the tense atmosphere that now pervades the nation.

Against this background, the call for a living wage is both reasonable and urgent. The purpose of a minimum wage is not just to keep workers employed but to enable them to live with dignity. When full-time workers cannot adequately feed their families, pay school fees, access healthcare, or meet basic living expenses, it becomes clear that existing wage structures require serious review.

The Federal Government should, therefore, approach this matter with the seriousness it deserves. It should immediately commence purposeful discussions with organised labour and representatives of the Federal Workers Forum to examine realistic options for improving workers’ welfare. Delaying action or relying on promises will only deepen public dissatisfaction and erode confidence in the government.

Equally important is the need for the government to honour existing commitments. Reports of outstanding wage awards, unpaid allowances, and promotion arrears should be independently verified and settled without unnecessary delay. Keeping faith with agreements already reached would demonstrate sincerity and rebuild trust between the authorities and their employees.

That said, the workers must also appreciate the importance of sustained dialogue. While peaceful protest remains a constitutional right, industrial disputes are more productively resolved through negotiation than confrontation. Every effort should be made to avoid actions capable of disrupting essential public services or escalating national tension.

The leadership of organised labour also has a crucial role to play. The Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) and the Trade Union Congress (TUC) must rise and provide united, responsible, and strategic leadership. Workers need strong representation that combines firmness with wisdom and places national interest alongside legitimate labour demands.

There is no doubt that the government faces enormous fiscal challenges. Declining revenues, mounting debt obligations, and competing development needs make public finance increasingly difficult. Nevertheless, these realities cannot become excuses for allowing civil servants to sink deeper into poverty. Sound economic management must ultimately translate into improved living conditions for citizens.

In truth, paying workers a fair and sustainable wage is not only a social obligation; it is an economic necessity. Better-paid workers stimulate consumer spending, enhance productivity, reduce corruption arising from financial desperation, and contribute to greater national stability. Investment in workers is an investment in economic growth.

Nigeria can ill afford another prolonged confrontation between government and labour at a time when insecurity, inflation, and public discontent already threaten social cohesion. Both sides should exercise restraint, avoid inflammatory rhetoric, and demonstrate genuine commitment to finding common ground. Nigerians expect solutions, not endless disputes.

The message from the current agitation is unmistakable. The Federal Government must heed the legitimate demands of workers by urgently pursuing a new living wage that reflects present economic realities and restores hope to millions of households. At the same time, workers should keep engaging the government through peaceful dialogue, mutual respect, and responsible negotiation. At this critical moment in our country’s history, compromise, compassion, and decisive leadership offer the surest path to industrial harmony and national progress.

Editorial

Getting State Police Right

Published

1 month ago

June 29, 2026

The Tide

Nigeria appears closer than ever to embracing state police, a transformative reform that has dominated national security discourse for years. Such a move, however, requires constitutional amendment to eliminate existing legal obstacles. The National Assembly deserves commendation for expediting work on the necessary legislation to amend Section 214 of the 1999 Constitution, which currently provides for a single, centralised national police force. Having secured passage in both chambers, the amendment bills should now be transmitted without delay to the state Houses of Assembly for prompt consideration.

The urgency of this reform is indisputable. Nigeria has been grappling with terrorism, banditry, kidnapping, communal violence, and organised crime, all of which have overstretched the existing security architecture. According to the National Bureau of Statistics, Nigerians paid an estimated N2.23 trillion in ransom between May 2023 and April 2024, while about 51.9 million crime incidents affected households during the same period. These disturbing figures underline the necessity of strengthening policing through a more pragmatic and responsive system.

State police could remarkably complement the efforts of the Nigeria Police Force (NPF), bringing law enforcement closer to local communities. Officers recruited from within their areas are often better acquainted with the terrain, languages, and cultural dynamics that shape criminal activity. Such local knowledge could produce a more perspicacious approach to crime prevention, intelligence gathering, and rapid emergency response.

Critics rightly fear that state police could become instruments of political persecution if left unchecked. Unscrupulous governors may be tempted to intimidate opponents, suppress dissent, or influence elections through the misuse of security agencies. Any constitutional amendment must, therefore, establish firm precautions that guarantee operational independence and prevent such capricious abuse of authority.

Another serious concern is finance. Running a modern police organisation requires sustained investment in personnel, equipment, technology, training, and welfare. Many states already struggle to pay salaries and pensions promptly. Without reliable funding, state police could deteriorate into poorly equipped institutions that weaken rather than strengthen public safety. Fiscal prudence must accompany political ambition.

Nigeria’s ethnic and religious diversity also demands careful reflection. Minority communities in several states have legitimate concerns that locally controlled police could be manipulated against them during periods of political or communal tension. Recruitment based on ethnicity, family ties, or political loyalty would further undermine professionalism. Only transparent procedures founded on merit can cultivate an equitable policing culture.

Equally important is the need for a comprehensive legal framework to regulate state police operations. Clear provisions are required to define jurisdiction, disciplinary procedures, civilian complaints, accountability mechanisms, and the limits of operational authority. Without such legal clarity, disputes and uncertainty could quickly overwhelm the new institutions.

The relationship between state police and the Nigeria Police Force also deserves meticulous attention. Cross-border crimes, insurgency, and organised criminal networks rarely respect state boundaries. Unless command structures, operational responsibilities, and emergency coordination are carefully defined, jurisdictional rivalry could produce dangerous ambiguity at critical moments.

A fragmented security system presents another risk. Thirty-six separate police commands operating under different priorities and standards may complicate coordinated national responses to terrorism, banditry, and other transnational threats. Intelligence sharing between federal and state agencies must be seamless, timely, and cohesive, leaving no room for avoidable security gaps.

Human rights protection should occupy a central place in the reform agenda. Nigeria’s experience during the #EndSARS protests exposed deep concerns about police brutality, impunity, and excessive force. Establishing additional police formations may merely multiply opportunities for abuse. Independent complaint commissions, judicial oversight, and regular human rights training are indispensable guarantees.

Political transitions pose another challenge. Changes in state administrations should never trigger wholesale dismissals of police leadership or politically motivated appointments. Professional continuity, rather than partisan loyalty, must define career progression. Uniform training standards, ethical codes, and promotion procedures will help preserve the integrity of the institution regardless of who occupies government office.

History also offers a critical lesson. Nigeria operated regional police forces before 1966, but their widespread political misuse contributed to their eventual abolition. That experience should not automatically condemn present reforms, yet neither should it be ignored. Policymakers must undertake a judicious assessment of past failures and design institutions capable of preventing their recurrence.

Ultimately, state police represent an opportunity to strengthen security, but only if reform is pursued with wisdom rather than haste. Constitutional amendment alone will not guarantee success. Strong oversight institutions, transparent recruitment, sustainable funding, effective intelligence sharing, respect for human rights, and genuine accountability must accompany decentralisation. If these essential conditions are fulfilled, state police could become a valuable pillar of national security instead of another source of instability.