In the ongoing search for viable tools of national development, Nigeria has often overlooked one of its most potent, indigenous resources: Nigerian English (NE). At the intersection of our multilingual heritage and postcolonial reality lies a unique variety of English shaped by the tongues, textures, and tensions of our society. Far from being bad English or a mere deviation from British and or American standards, Nigerian English already recognised by Oxford English Dictionary is a legitimate, living linguistic identity colourfully crafted by our culture, history, and communicative needs. It is a vibrant testament to our collective identity, far more than just a dialect. It is a language woven into the fabric of our daily lives, reflecting our unique history, diverse culture, life style and shared experiences. From the rhythmic cadence of our spoken word to the expressive idioms and proverbs that salt and spice our daily conversations. Indeed, Nigerian English embodies our distinct ways of seeing and interacting with the world at large. It is the language of our markets, our music, our literature and our homes, a powerful and unifying force that proudly declares who we are as Nigerians.
As both a scholar of World Englishes and a keen observer of Nigeria’s socio-political landscape, I contend that Nigerian English properly recognised, adopted , adapted, standardised, and strategically deployed holds immense promise for solving the nation’s challenges in education, economic growth, national unity, and all round inclusive development.
It is time to legitimise Nigerian English, not merely as a medium of instruction but as a strategic tool for reimagining our collective progress.
Education: Bridging Access and Relevance.
Nigeria’s educational system continues to suffer from a fundamental disconnect between curriculum content and learners’ every day experiences. Much of this disconnect stems from the rigid, often artificial imposition of ‘standard’ British English norms in classrooms that are otherwise deeply Nigerian in cultural and linguistic texture. The result? Students are forced to think, read, and write in a language that is alien to their sociocultural context. Many perform poorly not due to a lack of intelligence or potential, but because their cognitive environments are estranged from the medium of instruction. Nigerian English, with its lexical innovations (e.g., “go-slow,” “flash,” “gist”), semantic shifts, and pragmatic norms, offers a more intuitive, accessible bridge to learning example in foundational literacy, civic education, and community-based pedagogy. A deliberate incorporation of Nigerian English in teaching materials, especially at the nursery, primary and secondary levels, would not only improve comprehension but also affirm learners’ identities. A child who sees their speech patterns represented in textbooks and examinations is more likely to believe in the value of their intellect and voice.
Economic Empowerment: Language for Inclusion and Participation
English remains the language of official documentation, digital platforms, trade, and business in Nigeria. However, the language variety typically promoted in these spaces often alienates the very people it seeks to empower. Entrepreneurs in local markets, artisans, small-scale farmers, and tech-savvy youths from informal sectors speak Nigerian English yet economic literacy campaigns, banking systems, and tech applications are delivered in overly formal, standardized registers. By recognising and integrating Nigerian English into economic discourse particularly in digital financial education, vocational training, and SME development, we can bridge this gap. Language is access, the basic purpose of language is communication. Simplified, localised, and culturally resonant English will improve financial inclusion, digital participation, and the reach of national economic initiatives. It is not a simplification of content but a sophistication of access.
In a nation, Nigerian English is the only unifying code across ethnic, regional, and social lines including the elite class. While our indigenous languages remain invaluable repositories of culture and identity, Nigerian English offers a shared space of communication, a common linguistic currency. More than pidgin, which still carries socio-linguistic stigma in formal settings,
Nigerian English exists as an organic hybrid carrying the intelligibility of international English, while being grounded in Nigerian expressions, metaphors, and mannerisms.
It is a language that has evolved to carry our jokes, our frustrations, our politics, and our aspirations. By officially embracing Nigerian English as a pedagogically acceptable, nationally relevant variety, we affirm a sense of ownership in our shared national voice. Policies that legitimise Nigerian English in media, literature, and even public service communication would further enhance our sense of collective identity and belonging.
National Growth and Development: Rewriting the Nigerian Narrative Language is not neutral, it shapes perception, policy, and potential. Nigerian English, as a symbol of postcolonial linguistic agency, allows us to narrate our own realities rather than borrowing idioms of development from other nations. From Nollywood scripts and Afrobeats lyrics to the daily banter in markets and parliament, NE has given Nigerians a way to own and export their narratives. Ignoring this linguistic resource in our development agenda is to continue importing frameworks of growth that do not fit our reality. Let us promote Nigerian English in local tech start-ups, international diplomacy, cultural exports, and educational policies. In doing so, we redefine what it means to be globally relevant and locally rooted.
It is time for the National Council on Education, curriculum developers, university faculties, media regulators, policymakers and indeed government to begin a deliberate process of codifying and standardising Nigerian English, taking into account its lexical features, phonology, pragmatics, and stylistic markers. The goal is not to replace international Englishes but to establish our own legitimate variety within the global Englishes spectrum. Let us be bold enough to teach in the English we speak, write policies in the English we live by, and train future generations to embrace their linguistic heritage not as a limitation, but as a launchpad for transformation. In our tongue lies our strength. Nigerian English is not bad English, broken or Pidgin English; it is our own English, our identity language, a reality picture of who we are and represent. And most importantly, it is a very powerful development tool we have yet to fully embrace.

Nneka Emeka-Duru
Dr.  Emeka-Duru, a World English specialist, wrote from Port Harcourt.

The floods have done it again! No thanks to our governance systems that enables such tales of bad fate. Our national encounters with floods have become annual meets in which Nigerians have had to be vulnerable to inundating floods. Every incident becomes a combat with nature in which Nigerians have been made no match. Many unlucky Nigerians have had to endure overwhelming onslaughts from floods, some not surviving to tell the stories.

The sad event that just occurred at Mokwa in Niger State has once again reminded us that we have entered the Season 2025 Rendezvous With Floods. Yes, the flood season is here again! It also appears that by our inactions to check the floods, we have entered some unwritten agreements with same, to annually decimate the lives of hundreds of Nigerians whom conditions of life placed on the paths of menacing floods. As humans fail to be humane to their fellow, why would the floods?

Even as flood prevention and mitigation activities draw huge budgets from government purses annually, they remain as ravaging as if they were never envisaged, the result of which many lives, properties and natural resources of innocent Nigerians are sacrificed yearly.

In the current tragedy at Mokwa more than 150 lives have so far been confirmed dead. Regrettably, the figures may go further as rescue operations continue. According to reports, mayhem descended on innocent residents who were asleep in the early hours of Thursday, May 29, 2025 in the neighbourhoods of Kpege at Mokwa, when torrential downpours led to surprising surges of water. In the ensuing confusion in which buildings and market areas became submerged amidst collapsing structures, hundreds lost their lives, buildings destroyed and many displaced. Those lucky enough to have escaped alive now face the frustration of sudden displacement.

Even as floods have become one of our intractable, annual woes, the latest incident at Mokwa remains heart-bleeding, considering that no less than 200 lives were lost to flooding in the same area in 2023 and over 386,000 were displaced. Such horrendous flood disasters keep recurring as a national tragedy.

In 2022 Nigeria made world headlines when CNN and other international media carried reports of one of our worst humanitarian flood disasters during which over 500 persons perished, about 1,546 injured, and over 1.4 million persons displaced by floods. The CNN also added that about “45,249 houses were damaged, 76,168 hectares of farmlands partially destroyed while 70,566 hectares of farmlands got completely destroyed.” That year, 27 out of Nigeria’s 36 states struggled with floods while access to the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja was threatened.

The more salient impact which draws lesser attention from the media is the trail of terrestrial erosions that etch our environments each flooding season. With widespread areas of farmlands, residential areas and coastal communities being washed away by floods yearly, the ecology of many parts of Nigeria continues to degrade in magnitudes unimageable.

***********Regrettably no lessons appear to have been learnt from flood incidents such like occurred in 2022, otherwise we would not have been experiencing subsequent scales of recurrences.
Nor have the preventable drownings of a colossal number of lives been enough to trigger official inquiry into the activities of our national emergency management programmes, and their associated agencies.

In the face of huge expenditures recorded in yearly national budgets through the Federal Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs, Disaster Management and Social Development to finance the National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA), it should be puzzling that no one has ever been held liable for the failures to safeguard areas prone to floods, the recurrent inability to swiftly come to the rescue of flood victims, and the consequential deaths. Even from the reported lamentations of victims, it is discernible that most often, relief materials reach victims almost a year after incidents. And that is for those lucky enough to secure reliefs. Designated places for Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs), may pass as mockery of the essence.

With respect to the Mokwa flood mayhem, NEMA claims it “Had prior to the incident, issued multiple early warnings regarding likely flooding in flood-prone regions like Niger State.” Probably in an attempt to shift blames to local authorities claimed further that, “Despite these efforts, the scale of the disaster revealed the limits of national-level warnings without sufficient ground-level implementation.” But as the apex disaster management agency in the country, is NEMA’s job only to raise alarms for local authorities? What hindered the deployment of its Early Warning and Preparedness mechanisms?

Being under the Humanitarian Affairs, Disaster Management and Social Development Ministry, one may wonder if NEMA is not being choked under a ministry saddled with so many social duties, moreso, a ministry notorious for its social fund embezzlement scandals. For swifter operations, NEMA should operate from a ministry dedicated to special duties, or placed under the Presidency.

This nation has had so many innocent lives devastated needlessly by floods to have provoked national compunction in saner climes. Such regrets should have inspired decisive actions that prevent, or at least mitigate future occurrences to the barest minimum.

In our usual daily hustle, life may resume as normal for many Nigerians faced by many other daily struggles, and the memories of the over 150 who died at Mokwa will soon be forgotten. But it is pertinent to remind us that it is a crime against humanity to let helpless lives perish as such.

The menace of floods as occur on our part of the globe are preventable, as they are seasonal and predictable. Given all the technologies currently at our disposal, floods should not be as overwhelming as they have become. With conscientious efforts, floods could largely be prepared against and checked, while mitigating actions ensure that lives and resources are not destroyed on the scales being experienced. From the yearly outcomes so far, it is obvious that the requisite actions against floods are not being implemented, however how NEMA tries to defend itself.

In the meantime, it should be noteworthy that the Mokwa sad record is an early occurrence for the year 2025, and coming just from the River Niger flank of the country alone, when the usually worst crises from the River Benue axis are yet to commence. Officials of NEMA and those of concerned State Emergency Management Agencies (SEMAs) should not wait until the Republic of Cameroon embarks on the annual opening of its Lagdo Dam, and when communities downstream of the River Benue flank start wailing desperately, to take action. By then actions would be too little, and too late, and NEMA would issue another self-exoneration.

As NEMA goes nation-wide to sensitize the public on its National Disaster Preparedness and Response Campaign (NPRC) 2025, its activities should materialize in lives and resources saved against floods.

On the Side A of the 1971 rock album Santana III, Santana Band featured a piece titled “Toussaint L’Ouverture”. The intensity, liveliness, pulsating and compulsive rhythms, and soaring guitar solos of “Toussaint L’Ouverture” made it a favorite of rock aficionados on dance floors across the world in the early seventies. Unbeknownst to many, the raw energy and dynamic tempo changes of the basically instrumental piece symbolized the fury and determination of the legendary leader of a historic revolution that was not taught in schools. The revolution, which led to the first independent Black nation on earth was led by Toussaint L’Ouverture.
François-Dominique Toussaint Bréda (1743–1803) aka Toussaint L’Ouverture, was born into slavery in the French colony of Saint-Domingue (now Haiti). He became a key leader of the Haitian Revolution and one of the most prominent figures in the history of the fight against slavery. Freed in his 30s, L’Ouverture educated himself in Enlightenment ideas and military strategy. During the slave uprising in Saint-Domingue in 1791, his  leadership capacities crystallized as he organized, negotiated, outmaneuvered and turned wild protests into disciplined and organized resistance hence he was acknowledged as a skilled and charismatic military leader.
Betrayed by Napoleon Bonaparte through subterfuge  during negotiations, L’Ouverture was captured and taken to France in 1802. Though he did not live to see the liberation of his people from slavery and colonialism, his leadership laid the foundation for Haiti’s independence in 1804—the first successful slave revolt in history and the first Black republic in the modern world. These are his last words in 1803: “In overthrowing me, you have done no more than cut down the trunk of the tree of black liberty…it will spring back from the roots, for they are numerous and deep”. Last words that burned hotter than lava then; timeless words that are currently as cogent and urgent as they were more than two centuries ago. In a 2024 opinion of L’Ouverture, Phil McKraken wrote that: “Toussaint was a figure larger than life…His spirit lives on not just for Haitians but for all freedom loving people”. For McKraken, L’Ouverture is a symbol of organized resistance and emancipation from slavery, imperialism and its facades over the centuries.
*********** More than two centuries after his death, the spirit of L’Ouverture and the essence of the last words, said in the bid to emancipate his country of Blacks from French slavery, still resonates in the contemporary affairs of Francophone Africa. This group of countries are still trapped in the documented postcolonial economic stranglehold of France, a country that has orchestrated more coups in Africa than any other through subterfuge, subversion and assassination.
It is said that in nature any species that is over hunting is sooner or later taken out because its over-hunting upsets the balance. Through the instrumentality of NATO (which, in practical terms, is acronym for Nations Aligned to Terrorize Others) and other institutions of imperialism, the West has traumatized Africa by  conspiratorially and systematically destabilizing the wealthiest nations and their systems and heartlessly and predatorily over exploiting their resources since Bismark’s Berlin Butchery of Africa (BBBA) in 1885, which is euphemistically referred to as Berlin Conference.
Undoubtedly, the West (especially France) has over hunted in Africa. For instance, information has it that, hitherto, Mali earned $1bn annually from its gold mined by a French company. That amount is domiciled in French Central Bank where it serves as collateral for Mali to borrow from France; WITH INTEREST! Today, with the expulsion of France, Mali earns $10bn monthly. What an economic liberation from heartless exploitation! Similarly, Burkina Faso, Niger, Gabon etc. have liberated themselves from postcolonial economic stranglehold by France. Doubtlessly, Nature has commenced the process of taking out the over hunting predator.
Going by L’Ouverture’s metaphor, the West systemically or violently “cut down the trunk[s]” called Patrice Lumumba, Kwame Nkrumah, Moamar Gaddafi, Thomas Sankara etc. However, from the roots that “are numerous and deep”, Assimi Goita sprang from  the soil of Mali in 2020 thereby commencing the natural process of taking out the predator that L’Ouverture contended with more than two centuries ago. From the soil of Burkina Faso, Ibrahim Traore sprang in 2022 and, in quick succession in 2023, Abdourahamane Tchiani and Oligui Nguema sprang from Niger and Gabon, respectively. In May 2024, Mahamat Déby won the presidential election in Chad and expressed strong anti-French sentiments, a radical departure from the policy posture of his late  father. Like L’Ouverture, these leaders did not strike for conquest; they fought for liberation from the stranglehold of a participant in the BBBA of 1885. Their action speaks eloquently and volubly of the disillusionment with French overreach in the continent.
In September 2023, Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger formed the Alliance of Sahel States (AES). Though relatively new, it is a significant geopolitical bloc that marks a dramatic shift in the political and security landscape of West Africa. With their common heritage of French colonialism and current experience of military coup, they are collectively navigating a complex transition away from France and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), toward greater self-reliance and regional solidarity. Recently, Ivory Coast has also had a change of guard and speculations are rife that Togo and Benin Republic have followed suit. This marks the end of an era for France; an era that has dire consequences for the former colonial power.
Commenting on the anti-France wild fire in Francophone Africa, social critic and blogger, Michael A.G. Iboh, speaks with optimism that “ CFA Franc, the last chain of French colonization, has been broken. Granted that the West will do everything to crush Burkina Faso but day has broken in Africa and the dawn is here not just in Ouagadougou but across Africa”.
There is palpable unease at Palis de l’Elysee; that is understandable. Frontline Pan-Africanists, Arikana Quao and Mallence Williams inform that, hitherto, France was receiving about $500 billion per annum in foreign exchange reserves from Francophone Africa based on forced false colonial debt. Former French president Jacques Chirac once stated thus: “without Africa, France will slide down in the rank of a third world power”.
In the above regard, Florida-based Nigerian social critic, Daag Josiah, holds that “Though the colonial boat has been rudely rocked and it cannot be business as usual, a relationship based  on mutatis-mutandis could be structured.” Invoking the hospitality and generosity that characterize Africa, William has invited France to “come…with integrity and honor; we want to share with you our wealth and invite you to share with us”. With “strategic self interest” being the traditional mindset of imperialism, will France accept the simple conditionality of coming to the table with “integrity and honor” where the relationship departs from “master-servant” to partnership or will it insist on the status quo?
The truth remains that many roots of the hewed trunk of L’Ouverture have sprout and his spirit has reincarnated simultaneously across Francophone Africa. At last, Prof Claude Ake’s 1978 intellectual prophecy, Revolutionary Pressure in Africa, has touched down on the African soil and the torch of liberation has lit a wild fire.
Going forward, France and the West must rework relationships with Africa. This is feasible and achievable; each should come to the table with genuine desire for mutuality and reciprocity. The basic requirement is that the imperialist mindset of “might is right” and inordinate self-interest, which Greg Mills aptly attributed Africa’s poverty to, should give way for cooperation and partnership. One thing is for sure, the old order is history. It is not a coincidence that this is happening when the majestic sound of Star-Spangled Banner is speedily fading marking the beginning of the end of an empire whose light is dimming into twilight while the silhouette of the Dragon of the East is bursting out in radiant colors. Naturally, the sun of global power play is setting in the West and rising in the East