Opinion
Nigerian English As Nation-Building Tool
In the ongoing search for viable tools of national development, Nigeria has often overlooked one of its most potent, indigenous resources: Nigerian English (NE). At the intersection of our multilingual heritage and postcolonial reality lies a unique variety of English shaped by the tongues, textures, and tensions of our society. Far from being bad English or a mere deviation from British and or American standards, Nigerian English already recognised by Oxford English Dictionary is a legitimate, living linguistic identity colourfully crafted by our culture, history, and communicative needs. It is a vibrant testament to our collective identity, far more than just a dialect. It is a language woven into the fabric of our daily lives, reflecting our unique history, diverse culture, life style and shared experiences. From the rhythmic cadence of our spoken word to the expressive idioms and proverbs that salt and spice our daily conversations. Indeed, Nigerian English embodies our distinct ways of seeing and interacting with the world at large. It is the language of our markets, our music, our literature and our homes, a powerful and unifying force that proudly declares who we are as Nigerians.
As both a scholar of World Englishes and a keen observer of Nigeria’s socio-political landscape, I contend that Nigerian English properly recognised, adopted , adapted, standardised, and strategically deployed holds immense promise for solving the nation’s challenges in education, economic growth, national unity, and all round inclusive development.
It is time to legitimise Nigerian English, not merely as a medium of instruction but as a strategic tool for reimagining our collective progress.
Education: Bridging Access and Relevance.
Nigeria’s educational system continues to suffer from a fundamental disconnect between curriculum content and learners’ every day experiences. Much of this disconnect stems from the rigid, often artificial imposition of ‘standard’ British English norms in classrooms that are otherwise deeply Nigerian in cultural and linguistic texture. The result? Students are forced to think, read, and write in a language that is alien to their sociocultural context. Many perform poorly not due to a lack of intelligence or potential, but because their cognitive environments are estranged from the medium of instruction. Nigerian English, with its lexical innovations (e.g., “go-slow,” “flash,” “gist”), semantic shifts, and pragmatic norms, offers a more intuitive, accessible bridge to learning example in foundational literacy, civic education, and community-based pedagogy. A deliberate incorporation of Nigerian English in teaching materials, especially at the nursery, primary and secondary levels, would not only improve comprehension but also affirm learners’ identities. A child who sees their speech patterns represented in textbooks and examinations is more likely to believe in the value of their intellect and voice.
Economic Empowerment: Language for Inclusion and Participation
English remains the language of official documentation, digital platforms, trade, and business in Nigeria. However, the language variety typically promoted in these spaces often alienates the very people it seeks to empower. Entrepreneurs in local markets, artisans, small-scale farmers, and tech-savvy youths from informal sectors speak Nigerian English yet economic literacy campaigns, banking systems, and tech applications are delivered in overly formal, standardized registers. By recognising and integrating Nigerian English into economic discourse particularly in digital financial education, vocational training, and SME development, we can bridge this gap. Language is access, the basic purpose of language is communication. Simplified, localised, and culturally resonant English will improve financial inclusion, digital participation, and the reach of national economic initiatives. It is not a simplification of content but a sophistication of access.
In a nation, Nigerian English is the only unifying code across ethnic, regional, and social lines including the elite class. While our indigenous languages remain invaluable repositories of culture and identity, Nigerian English offers a shared space of communication, a common linguistic currency. More than pidgin, which still carries socio-linguistic stigma in formal settings,
Nigerian English exists as an organic hybrid carrying the intelligibility of international English, while being grounded in Nigerian expressions, metaphors, and mannerisms.
It is a language that has evolved to carry our jokes, our frustrations, our politics, and our aspirations. By officially embracing Nigerian English as a pedagogically acceptable, nationally relevant variety, we affirm a sense of ownership in our shared national voice. Policies that legitimise Nigerian English in media, literature, and even public service communication would further enhance our sense of collective identity and belonging.
National Growth and Development: Rewriting the Nigerian Narrative Language is not neutral, it shapes perception, policy, and potential. Nigerian English, as a symbol of postcolonial linguistic agency, allows us to narrate our own realities rather than borrowing idioms of development from other nations. From Nollywood scripts and Afrobeats lyrics to the daily banter in markets and parliament, NE has given Nigerians a way to own and export their narratives. Ignoring this linguistic resource in our development agenda is to continue importing frameworks of growth that do not fit our reality. Let us promote Nigerian English in local tech start-ups, international diplomacy, cultural exports, and educational policies. In doing so, we redefine what it means to be globally relevant and locally rooted.
It is time for the National Council on Education, curriculum developers, university faculties, media regulators, policymakers and indeed government to begin a deliberate process of codifying and standardising Nigerian English, taking into account its lexical features, phonology, pragmatics, and stylistic markers. The goal is not to replace international Englishes but to establish our own legitimate variety within the global Englishes spectrum. Let us be bold enough to teach in the English we speak, write policies in the English we live by, and train future generations to embrace their linguistic heritage not as a limitation, but as a launchpad for transformation. In our tongue lies our strength. Nigerian English is not bad English, broken or Pidgin English; it is our own English, our identity language, a reality picture of who we are and represent. And most importantly, it is a very powerful development tool we have yet to fully embrace.
Nneka Emeka-Duru
Dr. Emeka-Duru, a World English specialist, wrote from Port Harcourt.
The political atmosphere in Rivers State has been anything but calm in 2025. Yet, a rare moment of unity was witnessed on Saturday, June 28, when Governor Siminalayi Fubara and Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike, appeared side by side at the funeral of Elder Temple Omezurike Onuoha, Wike’s late uncle. What could have passed for a routine condolence visit evolved into a significant political statement—a symbolic show of reconciliation in a state bruised by deep political strife.
The funeral, attended by dignitaries from across the nation, was more than a moment of shared grief. It became the public reflection of a private peace accord reached earlier at the Presidential Villa in Abuja. There, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu brought together Governor Fubara, Minister Wike, the suspended Speaker of the Rivers State House of Assembly, Martin Amaewhule, and other lawmakers to chart a new path forward.
For Rivers people, that truce is a beacon of hope. But they are not content with photo opportunities and promises. What they demand now is the immediate lifting of the state of emergency declared in March 2025, and the unconditional reinstatement of Governor Fubara, Deputy Governor Dr. Ngozi Odu, and all suspended lawmakers. They insist on the restoration of their democratic mandate.
President Tinubu’s decision to suspend the entire structure of Rivers State’s elected leadership and appoint a sole administrator was a drastic response to a deepening political crisis. While it may have prevented a complete breakdown in governance, it also robbed the people of their voice. That silence must now end.
The administrator, retired naval chief Ibok-Ette Ibas, has managed a caretaker role. But Rivers State cannot thrive under unelected stewardship. Democracy must return—not partially, not symbolically, but fully. President Tinubu has to ensure that the people’s will, expressed through the ballot, is restored in word and deed.
Governor Fubara, who will complete his six-month suspension by September, was elected to serve the people of Rivers, not to be sidelined by political intrigues. His return should not be ceremonial. It should come with the full powers and authority vested in him by the constitution and the mandate of Rivers citizens.
The people’s frustration is understandable. At the heart of the political crisis was a power tussle between loyalists of Fubara and those of Wike. Institutions, particularly the State House of Assembly, became battlegrounds. Attempts were made to impeach Fubara. The situation deteriorated into a full-blown crisis, and governance was nearly brought to its knees.
But the tide must now turn. With the Senate’s approval of a record ?1.485 trillion budget for Rivers State for 2025, a new opportunity has emerged. This budget is not just a fiscal document—it is a blueprint for transformation, allocating ?1.077 trillion for capital projects alone. Yet, without the governor’s reinstatement, its execution remains in doubt.
It is Governor Fubara, and only him, who possesses the people’s mandate to execute this ambitious budget. It is time for him to return to duty with vigor, responsibility, and a renewed sense of urgency. The people expect delivery—on roads, hospitals, schools, and job creation.
Rivers civil servants, recovering from neglect and under appreciation, should also continue to be a top priority. Fubara should continue to ensure timely payment of salaries, address pension issues, and create a more effective, motivated public workforce. This is how governance becomes real in people’s lives.
The “Rivers First” mantra with which Fubara campaigned is now being tested. That slogan should become policy. It must inform every appointment, every contract, every budget decision, and every reform. It must reflect the needs and aspirations of the ordinary Rivers person—not political patrons or vested interests.
Beyond infrastructure and administration, political healing is essential. Governor Fubara and Minister Wike must go beyond temporary peace. They should actively unite their camps and followers to form one strong political family. The future of Rivers cannot be built on division.
Political appointments, both at the Federal and State levels, must reflect a spirit of fairness, tolerance, and inclusivity. The days of political vendettas and exclusive lists must end. Every ethnic group, every gender, and every generation must feel included in the new Rivers project.
Rivers is too diverse to be governed by one faction. Lasting peace can only be built on concessions, maturity, and equity. The people are watching to see if the peace deal will lead to deeper understanding or simply paper over cracks in an already fragile political arrangement.
Wike, now a national figure as Minister of the FCT, has a responsibility to rise above the local fray and support the development of Rivers State. His influence should bring federal attention and investment to the state, not political interference or division.
Likewise, Fubara should lead with restraint, humility, and a focus on service delivery. His return should not be marked by revenge or political purges but by inclusive leadership that welcomes even former adversaries into the process of rebuilding the state.
“The people are no longer interested in power struggles. They want light in their streets, drugs in their hospitals, teachers in their classrooms, and jobs for their children. The politics of ego and entitlement have to give way to governance with purpose.
The appearance of both leaders at the funeral was a glimpse of what unity could look like. That moment should now evolve into a movement-one that prioritizes Rivers State over every personal ambition. Let it be the beginning of true reconciliation and progress.
As September draws near, the Federal government should act decisively to end the state of emergency and reinstate all suspended officials. Rivers State must return to constitutional order and normal democratic processes. This is the minimum requirement of good governance.
The crisis in Rivers has dragged on for too long. The truce is a step forward, but much more is needed. Reinstating Governor Fubara, implementing the ?1.485 trillion budget, and uniting political factions are now the urgent tasks ahead. Rivers people have suffered enough. It is time to restore leadership, rebuild trust, and finally put Rivers first.
By: Amieyeofori Ibim
Amieyeofori Ibim is former Editor of The Tide Newspapers, political analyst and public affairs commentator
Do the Fulani herdsmen have an expansionists agenda, like their progenitor, Uthman Dan Fodio? Why are they everywhere even the remotest part of other areas in Nigeria harassing, maiming, raping and killing the owners of the land?”
In a swift reaction, The Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP) decried and strongly condemned the invasion by suspected Fulani herdsmen.
In his denunciation, MOSOP President Fegalo Nsuke described the incident as very unfortunate and deeply troubling, warning against a recurrence of the violence experienced in Benue State. “The killing of yesterday is bad and very unfortunate. We are getting preliminary information about how the herders gained access to the farmland, and it appears some hoodlums may be collecting money and granting access illegally.”
He called on the Hausa community in Rivers State to intervene swiftly to prevent further attacks.
“We want the Hausa community in Rivers State to take urgent action to ensure these issues are resolved”.
But will such appeal and requests end the violent disposition of the Fulani herdsmen? It is not saying something new that the escalating threat and breach of peace across the country by the Fulani herdsmen or those suspected to be Fulani herdsmen, leaves much to be desired in a country that is bedevilled by multi-dimensional challenges and hydra-headed problems.
Some upland Local Government Areas of Rivers State, such as Etche, Omuma, Emohua, Ikwerre, Oyigbo, Abua, Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni, have severally recounted their ordeals, as herdsmen invaded farmlands, destroyed crops, raped female farmers and killed protestant residents.
Again the wanton destruction of lives and properties which no doubt has overwhelmed the Nigerian Police, makes the clamour for State Police, indispensable. The National Assembly should consider the amendment of the Constitution to allow States to have their Statutory policing agencies.
As insurgency has risen to an all time high in the country were killings has now grown to be a normal daily activity in some part of the nation it may not be safe to say that Nigeria still practices democracy.
Several massacres coming from the Boko Haram and the herdsmen amongst all other insurgencies which have led to the destruction of homes and killing, burning of communities especially in the northern part of the country. All these put together are result of the ethnic battles that are fought between the tribes of Nigeria and this can be witnessed in Benue State where herders and farmers have been in constant clashes for ages. They have experienced nothing but casualties and unrest.
In the month of June 13-14, the Yelwata attack at the Guma Local Government Area by suspected gunmen or herdsmen who stormed the houses of innocent IDPs (Internally Displaced Persons) claiming the lives of families, both adults and children estimated to be 200 victims. They were all burnt alive by these unknown gunmen.
This has been recorded as one of the deadliest insurgencies that had happened in recent years. Some security personnel that were trying to fight the unknown gunmen also lost their lives.
Prior to the Yelewata attack, two days before the happening, similar conflict took place in Makurdi on June 11, 2025. 25 people were killed in the State. Even in Plateau State and the Southern Kaduna an attack also took place in the month of June.
All other states that make up the Middle Belt have been experiencing the farmers/herders clash for years now and it has persisted up till recent times, claiming lives of families and children, homes and lands, escalating in 2025 with coordinated assaults.
Various authorities and other villagers who fled for safety also blamed the herdsmen in the State for the attack that happened in Yelwata community.
Ehebha God’stime is an Intern with The Tide.