Opinion
Electoral Amendment Bill And PDP’s Call
Governors under the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in a communiqué after their meeting in Yenagoa, Bayelsa State, on Monday, called on President Muhammadu Buhari to immediately sign the Electoral Act Amendment Bill into law, saying the President’s reluctance to give his assent was an indication of his unwillingness to give Nigeria a reformed electoral framework.
That came shortly after Rivers State Governor, Chief Nyesom Wike, had made a similar call, wondering why Buhari was delaying assent to the bill after the National Assembly (NASS) had amended the contentious bill in line with the president’s demand.
The issue of the Electoral Amendment Act has been on the front burner for a long time and each time you think that the matter is finally going to be rested, another twist to the saga is introduced.
It is on record that the eighth NASS under the leadership of Dr Bukola Saraki made efforts to get the amended bill become a reality, but Mr President declined his assent — for three consecutive times. Of course, he would always give reasons for his rejection of the bill. The first time, in March 2018, he said the proposed act would usurp the constitutional powers of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to decide on election matters.
Six months later, the bill was sent back to him and again he refused his assent, asking the NASS to revise some clauses. In December, when the bill was rejected for the third time, the president said signing it into law could “create uncertainty and confusion” in the forthcoming 2019 elections.
In December, 2021, the electoral act bill sent the president by the current national assembly could not receive the president’s assent. His reasons being that compulsory direct primaries will lead to the increased cost to political parties and INEC to conduct direct primaries in 8,809 wards across the country; make life difficult for small political parties; overstretch security agencies; violate freedom of choice by political parties and give rise to litigations. The president also noted that it will lead to an increase in vote-buying and that direct primaries are susceptible to manipulation.
Many Nigerians, though they believe that direct primary whereby members of a political party choose their party’s candidate as against an indirect primary whereby party members elect delegates from among themselves who in turn decide the party’s flagbearers, is more suitable in present-day Nigeria, where the state governors have hijacked the political parties and dictate who does what, they still saw wisdom in Buhari’s demand that there should be other options other than direct primaries alone.
Commendably, NASS promptly re-amended the bill, added the options of direct and indirect primaries as well as the consensus clause for the nomination of candidates by political parties for elective positions.
Not a few people thought that the lawmakers having done the biddings of the president, the amendment bill would expressly receive the president’s signature. Even Buhari himself made it clear that he would sign the bill once the lawmakers did the needful. Asked during a television interview whether he would sign the amended bill he affirmed, “Yes, I will! I will sign. There should be options, you can’t dictate to people and say you are doing democracy. Give them other options so they can make a choice.”
Today, February 18, is the eighteenth day, the amended bill was transmitted to the president by the Clerk to the National Assembly, Olatunde Ojo. It is twelve days to the constitutional time limit for the president to sign the bill and there is heightened anxiety as to whether the bill will be signed or not and what should be the action of NASS should the president reject the bill once again.
There are insinuations that the president is still consulting with his advisers on whether to sign the bill or not. And if I may borrow the words of Governor Wike, ‘What is the consultation?’
Indeed, what is the essence of the consultation? What has the president or his advisers seen in the bill that was not there the last time he rejected it. Why couldn’t they make all their observations and corrections at the same time so that the amendments would be made once and for all to save citizens from all this unnecessary tension? Why make it seem as if the electoral bill is now a party affair such that must be tailored to suit certain political parties and individuals?
The president has always said that he is going to leave a better reformed electoral system at the end of his administration; that he is not going to influence the 2023 election in any way. The test for those statements has come. He should practicalise those speeches by signing the bill into law.
With the plethora of issues that have always characterised elections in Nigeria and that have made our elections lack credibility and integrity, there is the need for the amended electoral act which, to a large extent, tackles some of the key problems in the nation’s electoral system. It makes provisions for card readers; clearly forbids members of political parties from taking up employment or appointment in INEC; defines over-voting clearly and makes provision for electronic transmission of results; requires that any political appointee that wants to run for election should resign, and many more.
By the way, why the uproar about a minister, a commissioner, a personal assistant or any other political appointee vacating his job if he wants to stand for an election? Shouldn’t that be the idle thing to do? Just a few days ago, the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU), faulted the promotion of the Minister of Communication and Digital Economy, Isa Pantami, to the rank of a professor; saying that “You cannot be a minister and a lecturer in a university. It is an encouragement of illegality” and that the minister has to quit his appointment and be tried for doing double jobs within the same federal system.
It is high time we began to do things right in this country. There is no way we can continue the awkward, crooked ways of doing things and expect the nation to grow. And I think even the governors and lawmakers, local government chairmen and other people holding elective positions should be included in the clause. Oftentimes, they contest for another elective position while still occupying an elective seat and that has been a major reason why some of them carry out little or no developmental projects in their domains.
By: Calista Ezeaku
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Restoring Order, Delivering Good Governance
The political atmosphere in Rivers State has been anything but calm in 2025. Yet, a rare moment of unity was witnessed on Saturday, June 28, when Governor Siminalayi Fubara and Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike, appeared side by side at the funeral of Elder Temple Omezurike Onuoha, Wike’s late uncle. What could have passed for a routine condolence visit evolved into a significant political statement—a symbolic show of reconciliation in a state bruised by deep political strife.
The funeral, attended by dignitaries from across the nation, was more than a moment of shared grief. It became the public reflection of a private peace accord reached earlier at the Presidential Villa in Abuja. There, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu brought together Governor Fubara, Minister Wike, the suspended Speaker of the Rivers State House of Assembly, Martin Amaewhule, and other lawmakers to chart a new path forward.
For Rivers people, that truce is a beacon of hope. But they are not content with photo opportunities and promises. What they demand now is the immediate lifting of the state of emergency declared in March 2025, and the unconditional reinstatement of Governor Fubara, Deputy Governor Dr. Ngozi Odu, and all suspended lawmakers. They insist on the restoration of their democratic mandate.
President Tinubu’s decision to suspend the entire structure of Rivers State’s elected leadership and appoint a sole administrator was a drastic response to a deepening political crisis. While it may have prevented a complete breakdown in governance, it also robbed the people of their voice. That silence must now end.
The administrator, retired naval chief Ibok-Ette Ibas, has managed a caretaker role. But Rivers State cannot thrive under unelected stewardship. Democracy must return—not partially, not symbolically, but fully. President Tinubu has to ensure that the people’s will, expressed through the ballot, is restored in word and deed.
Governor Fubara, who will complete his six-month suspension by September, was elected to serve the people of Rivers, not to be sidelined by political intrigues. His return should not be ceremonial. It should come with the full powers and authority vested in him by the constitution and the mandate of Rivers citizens.
The people’s frustration is understandable. At the heart of the political crisis was a power tussle between loyalists of Fubara and those of Wike. Institutions, particularly the State House of Assembly, became battlegrounds. Attempts were made to impeach Fubara. The situation deteriorated into a full-blown crisis, and governance was nearly brought to its knees.
But the tide must now turn. With the Senate’s approval of a record ?1.485 trillion budget for Rivers State for 2025, a new opportunity has emerged. This budget is not just a fiscal document—it is a blueprint for transformation, allocating ?1.077 trillion for capital projects alone. Yet, without the governor’s reinstatement, its execution remains in doubt.
It is Governor Fubara, and only him, who possesses the people’s mandate to execute this ambitious budget. It is time for him to return to duty with vigor, responsibility, and a renewed sense of urgency. The people expect delivery—on roads, hospitals, schools, and job creation.
Rivers civil servants, recovering from neglect and under appreciation, should also continue to be a top priority. Fubara should continue to ensure timely payment of salaries, address pension issues, and create a more effective, motivated public workforce. This is how governance becomes real in people’s lives.
The “Rivers First” mantra with which Fubara campaigned is now being tested. That slogan should become policy. It must inform every appointment, every contract, every budget decision, and every reform. It must reflect the needs and aspirations of the ordinary Rivers person—not political patrons or vested interests.
Beyond infrastructure and administration, political healing is essential. Governor Fubara and Minister Wike must go beyond temporary peace. They should actively unite their camps and followers to form one strong political family. The future of Rivers cannot be built on division.
Political appointments, both at the Federal and State levels, must reflect a spirit of fairness, tolerance, and inclusivity. The days of political vendettas and exclusive lists must end. Every ethnic group, every gender, and every generation must feel included in the new Rivers project.
Rivers is too diverse to be governed by one faction. Lasting peace can only be built on concessions, maturity, and equity. The people are watching to see if the peace deal will lead to deeper understanding or simply paper over cracks in an already fragile political arrangement.
Wike, now a national figure as Minister of the FCT, has a responsibility to rise above the local fray and support the development of Rivers State. His influence should bring federal attention and investment to the state, not political interference or division.
Likewise, Fubara should lead with restraint, humility, and a focus on service delivery. His return should not be marked by revenge or political purges but by inclusive leadership that welcomes even former adversaries into the process of rebuilding the state.
“The people are no longer interested in power struggles. They want light in their streets, drugs in their hospitals, teachers in their classrooms, and jobs for their children. The politics of ego and entitlement have to give way to governance with purpose.
The appearance of both leaders at the funeral was a glimpse of what unity could look like. That moment should now evolve into a movement-one that prioritizes Rivers State over every personal ambition. Let it be the beginning of true reconciliation and progress.
As September draws near, the Federal government should act decisively to end the state of emergency and reinstate all suspended officials. Rivers State must return to constitutional order and normal democratic processes. This is the minimum requirement of good governance.
The crisis in Rivers has dragged on for too long. The truce is a step forward, but much more is needed. Reinstating Governor Fubara, implementing the ?1.485 trillion budget, and uniting political factions are now the urgent tasks ahead. Rivers people have suffered enough. It is time to restore leadership, rebuild trust, and finally put Rivers first.
By: Amieyeofori Ibim
Amieyeofori Ibim is former Editor of The Tide Newspapers, political analyst and public affairs commentator
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