Opinion
On Nigeria’s Sugar Tax Policy
On December 31, 2021, the president signed into law a policy that would become a major weapon in our fight against obesity and overweight. The policy was part of the new finance bill, and it fixed a N10 sugar tax per litre on all carbonated and sugar-sweetened beverage (SSB) drinks.
According to the Minister for Finance and National Planning, Mrs Zainab Ahmed, the tax is meant to discourage excessive sugar intake; but it is also an avenue to generate the much needed revenue to strengthen health care delivery in the country. It is estimated that the sugar tax will generate as much as N81 billion in three years.
The federal government is following after 50 other countries that have implemented a similar sugar tax, including South Africa in 2016 and UK in 2018. These countries have seen more than expected reductions in sugar intake since their policies became active.
In Nigeria, the sugar tax is a welcomed development and a major step in the fight against the evil Siamese twins of obesity and overweight; and this is why the National Action on Sugar, a health coalition for advocating for policy measures to combat non-communicable disease, views the policy as a preventive measure. Also, the Nigerian Cancer Society, while commending the federal government, noted that non-communicable diseases account for one in three deaths in the country.
SSB has been linked with obesity, Type 2 diabetes, overweight, tooth decay and cardiovascular diseases, according to a 2010 World Bank report. Obesity and overweight are further associated with other health complications, such as heart disease and certain types of cancer and stroke. Globally, obesity and overweight are now ranked as the third leading cause of death for adults. A 2016 report by Statista, a global data firm, indicates that around 1.9 billion people are overweight globally; and out of this number, 650 suffer obesity. The figure for Nigeria as of 2020 was 12 million.
Research has shown a strong correlation between SSB and obesity-overweight. The evidence is overwhelming, and it should scare us. For instance, according to Statista, Nigeria is the fourth largest consumer of soft drinks after the US, China and Mexico.
Apparently, we are number one in Africa, consuming more than 40 million liters of soft drinks per annum. In fact, the estimated year-on-year volume growth for 2022 is 0.5 percent – meaning that Nigerians will consume a whopping 73,567,500 liters of soft drinks this year.
So far, there have been major attacks on the policy from the Manufacturers Association of Nigerian (MAN) and the Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC). Their arguments have been targeted at the two main aims of the policy; namely discouraging excessive sugar intake and revenue generation to support the 2022 budget.
They asserted that there were other avenues of major sugar intake aside from soft drinks, especially our heavy carbohydrate diet. On the revenue side, they picked holes in the federal government’s revenue projections.
According to MAN’s estimate, the federal government will lose up to N197 billion in VAT, tertiary tax, and company income tax. MAN further contends that the implementation of the policy will trigger the loss of N1.9 trillion in the sector over the next five years; and that the consumer will be on the receiving end, bearing the full brunt of the policy.
In the same vein, the NLC is concerned that as many as 15,000 jobs could be on the line as a result of the policy. They argue that the impact of the policy could be far-reaching, considering the current unemployment rate of 33 per cent; and the fact that 38 per cent of the total workforce of MAN is domiciled in the soft drinks sub-sector.
The primary intent of the policy is laudable, but the idea of generating revenue is completely flawed, consequently making the policy deficient, and neither MAN nor NLC addressed this deficiency in their opposition to the policy. For instance, the UK government estimated about £500 million from their own sugar tax; but in 2020, the tax generated only £33 million due to the compliance component of the policy.
The UK sugar tax termed soft drinks industry levy (SDIL) took off in 2018, and since then a myriad of reports have shown its effectiveness in the reduction of sugar intake, both for households and residents. One report indicated that the SDIL is responsible for the reduction of sugar intake of nearly 6500 calories per resident, and a reduction of about 30g per household per week. The SDIL has a layered structure, whereby, soft drinks having eight grams of sugar per 100 ml is taxed £0.24 per litre.
Contrary to the position of MAN an NLC, available research has not shown any overall decline in the sales of soft drinks in the UK, indicating that the policy is actually achieving the intended result without any negative consequence on the soft drinks industry. A similar result was seen in South Africa after the implementation of their own sugar tax in 2016. A report from The Lancet indicates that the policy prompted an industry-wide sugar content reduction.
However, the Nigerian sugar tax, in spite of being a major step in the right direction, is deficient. Unlike the UK sugar tax, the Nigerian sugar tax is structured in a manner that perpetually puts the burden on the consumers. It does not incentivise innovation among the soft drinks manufacturers that is capable of leading to sugar content reduction in their products.
For instance, sugar reduction was seen in the UK and South Africa before the implementation of the policy. Before 2018, most of the soft drinks manufacturers in the UK have reduced their gram per 100 ml. Most of the manufacturers producing above five grams per 100 ml brought their sugar content to 4.5 grams per 100 ml; while those producing at above eight grams per 100 ml brought their content to about 7.5 gram per 100 ml.
The Nigerian policy of N10 per litre is a disincentive for change. In the long run, it might not be effective as compared to the SDIL of the UK which has spurred an industry-wide sugar revolution of immense benefits both to the consumer and the soft drink manufacturers. The federal government should take another look at the policy in a bid to better it by addressing the inherent deficiencies in order for the policy to achieve its primary aim.
In the first instance, the federal government should stipulate an acceptable sugar-content level per litre instead of the N10 per litre which is arbitrary, and disregards sugar content level. Secondly, the federal government should jettison the idea of using the policy to generate revenue; rather, it should amplify the health benefits of reducing excessive sugar intake. If this is done, MAN, NLC and other members of the organised private sector will fully be onboard
By: Raphael Pepple
Opinion
Restoring Order, Delivering Good Governance
The political atmosphere in Rivers State has been anything but calm in 2025. Yet, a rare moment of unity was witnessed on Saturday, June 28, when Governor Siminalayi Fubara and Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike, appeared side by side at the funeral of Elder Temple Omezurike Onuoha, Wike’s late uncle. What could have passed for a routine condolence visit evolved into a significant political statement—a symbolic show of reconciliation in a state bruised by deep political strife.
The funeral, attended by dignitaries from across the nation, was more than a moment of shared grief. It became the public reflection of a private peace accord reached earlier at the Presidential Villa in Abuja. There, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu brought together Governor Fubara, Minister Wike, the suspended Speaker of the Rivers State House of Assembly, Martin Amaewhule, and other lawmakers to chart a new path forward.
For Rivers people, that truce is a beacon of hope. But they are not content with photo opportunities and promises. What they demand now is the immediate lifting of the state of emergency declared in March 2025, and the unconditional reinstatement of Governor Fubara, Deputy Governor Dr. Ngozi Odu, and all suspended lawmakers. They insist on the restoration of their democratic mandate.
President Tinubu’s decision to suspend the entire structure of Rivers State’s elected leadership and appoint a sole administrator was a drastic response to a deepening political crisis. While it may have prevented a complete breakdown in governance, it also robbed the people of their voice. That silence must now end.
The administrator, retired naval chief Ibok-Ette Ibas, has managed a caretaker role. But Rivers State cannot thrive under unelected stewardship. Democracy must return—not partially, not symbolically, but fully. President Tinubu has to ensure that the people’s will, expressed through the ballot, is restored in word and deed.
Governor Fubara, who will complete his six-month suspension by September, was elected to serve the people of Rivers, not to be sidelined by political intrigues. His return should not be ceremonial. It should come with the full powers and authority vested in him by the constitution and the mandate of Rivers citizens.
The people’s frustration is understandable. At the heart of the political crisis was a power tussle between loyalists of Fubara and those of Wike. Institutions, particularly the State House of Assembly, became battlegrounds. Attempts were made to impeach Fubara. The situation deteriorated into a full-blown crisis, and governance was nearly brought to its knees.
But the tide must now turn. With the Senate’s approval of a record ?1.485 trillion budget for Rivers State for 2025, a new opportunity has emerged. This budget is not just a fiscal document—it is a blueprint for transformation, allocating ?1.077 trillion for capital projects alone. Yet, without the governor’s reinstatement, its execution remains in doubt.
It is Governor Fubara, and only him, who possesses the people’s mandate to execute this ambitious budget. It is time for him to return to duty with vigor, responsibility, and a renewed sense of urgency. The people expect delivery—on roads, hospitals, schools, and job creation.
Rivers civil servants, recovering from neglect and under appreciation, should also continue to be a top priority. Fubara should continue to ensure timely payment of salaries, address pension issues, and create a more effective, motivated public workforce. This is how governance becomes real in people’s lives.
The “Rivers First” mantra with which Fubara campaigned is now being tested. That slogan should become policy. It must inform every appointment, every contract, every budget decision, and every reform. It must reflect the needs and aspirations of the ordinary Rivers person—not political patrons or vested interests.
Beyond infrastructure and administration, political healing is essential. Governor Fubara and Minister Wike must go beyond temporary peace. They should actively unite their camps and followers to form one strong political family. The future of Rivers cannot be built on division.
Political appointments, both at the Federal and State levels, must reflect a spirit of fairness, tolerance, and inclusivity. The days of political vendettas and exclusive lists must end. Every ethnic group, every gender, and every generation must feel included in the new Rivers project.
Rivers is too diverse to be governed by one faction. Lasting peace can only be built on concessions, maturity, and equity. The people are watching to see if the peace deal will lead to deeper understanding or simply paper over cracks in an already fragile political arrangement.
Wike, now a national figure as Minister of the FCT, has a responsibility to rise above the local fray and support the development of Rivers State. His influence should bring federal attention and investment to the state, not political interference or division.
Likewise, Fubara should lead with restraint, humility, and a focus on service delivery. His return should not be marked by revenge or political purges but by inclusive leadership that welcomes even former adversaries into the process of rebuilding the state.
“The people are no longer interested in power struggles. They want light in their streets, drugs in their hospitals, teachers in their classrooms, and jobs for their children. The politics of ego and entitlement have to give way to governance with purpose.
The appearance of both leaders at the funeral was a glimpse of what unity could look like. That moment should now evolve into a movement-one that prioritizes Rivers State over every personal ambition. Let it be the beginning of true reconciliation and progress.
As September draws near, the Federal government should act decisively to end the state of emergency and reinstate all suspended officials. Rivers State must return to constitutional order and normal democratic processes. This is the minimum requirement of good governance.
The crisis in Rivers has dragged on for too long. The truce is a step forward, but much more is needed. Reinstating Governor Fubara, implementing the ?1.485 trillion budget, and uniting political factions are now the urgent tasks ahead. Rivers people have suffered enough. It is time to restore leadership, rebuild trust, and finally put Rivers first.
By: Amieyeofori Ibim
Amieyeofori Ibim is former Editor of The Tide Newspapers, political analyst and public affairs commentator
Opinion
Checking Herdsmen Rampage
Do the Fulani herdsmen have an expansionists agenda, like their progenitor, Uthman Dan Fodio? Why are they everywhere even the remotest part of other areas in Nigeria harassing, maiming, raping and killing the owners of the land?”
In a swift reaction, The Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP) decried and strongly condemned the invasion by suspected Fulani herdsmen.
In his denunciation, MOSOP President Fegalo Nsuke described the incident as very unfortunate and deeply troubling, warning against a recurrence of the violence experienced in Benue State. “The killing of yesterday is bad and very unfortunate. We are getting preliminary information about how the herders gained access to the farmland, and it appears some hoodlums may be collecting money and granting access illegally.”
He called on the Hausa community in Rivers State to intervene swiftly to prevent further attacks.
“We want the Hausa community in Rivers State to take urgent action to ensure these issues are resolved”.
But will such appeal and requests end the violent disposition of the Fulani herdsmen? It is not saying something new that the escalating threat and breach of peace across the country by the Fulani herdsmen or those suspected to be Fulani herdsmen, leaves much to be desired in a country that is bedevilled by multi-dimensional challenges and hydra-headed problems.
Some upland Local Government Areas of Rivers State, such as Etche, Omuma, Emohua, Ikwerre, Oyigbo, Abua, Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni, have severally recounted their ordeals, as herdsmen invaded farmlands, destroyed crops, raped female farmers and killed protestant residents.
Again the wanton destruction of lives and properties which no doubt has overwhelmed the Nigerian Police, makes the clamour for State Police, indispensable. The National Assembly should consider the amendment of the Constitution to allow States to have their Statutory policing agencies.
Opinion
Is Nigeria Democratic Nation?
As insurgency has risen to an all time high in the country were killings has now grown to be a normal daily activity in some part of the nation it may not be safe to say that Nigeria still practices democracy.
Several massacres coming from the Boko Haram and the herdsmen amongst all other insurgencies which have led to the destruction of homes and killing, burning of communities especially in the northern part of the country. All these put together are result of the ethnic battles that are fought between the tribes of Nigeria and this can be witnessed in Benue State where herders and farmers have been in constant clashes for ages. They have experienced nothing but casualties and unrest.
In the month of June 13-14, the Yelwata attack at the Guma Local Government Area by suspected gunmen or herdsmen who stormed the houses of innocent IDPs (Internally Displaced Persons) claiming the lives of families, both adults and children estimated to be 200 victims. They were all burnt alive by these unknown gunmen.
This has been recorded as one of the deadliest insurgencies that had happened in recent years. Some security personnel that were trying to fight the unknown gunmen also lost their lives.
Prior to the Yelewata attack, two days before the happening, similar conflict took place in Makurdi on June 11, 2025. 25 people were killed in the State. Even in Plateau State and the Southern Kaduna an attack also took place in the month of June.
All other states that make up the Middle Belt have been experiencing the farmers/herders clash for years now and it has persisted up till recent times, claiming lives of families and children, homes and lands, escalating in 2025 with coordinated assaults.
Various authorities and other villagers who fled for safety also blamed the herdsmen in the State for the attack that happened in Yelwata community.
Ehebha God’stime is an Intern with The Tide.
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