Editorial
Ending Pensions For Govs, Others

While presenting his 2021 Appropriation Bill to the Lagos State House of Assembly, the state governor, Babajide Sanwo-Olu, said he would put an end to the payment of pensions to his predecessors and former deputy governors of the state. He said the law had to be repealed to free the state government of the legal obligations and reduce the cost of governance.
Lagos blazed the trail in 2007 when its then governor, Ahmed Tinubu, at the twilight of his tenure, signed into law a bill earlier passed to provide pensions and other welfare benefits to former governors and their deputies beyond what was approved for former political officeholders nationwide by the Revenue Mobilisation, Allocation and Fiscal Commission, (RMAFC).
The Lagos State Public Office Holder (Payment of Pension) Law stipulates that former governors who completed two terms consecutively are entitled to a house each in any location of their choice in Lagos and Abuja. They are also entitled to six new cars every three years, 100 per cent of the basic salary of the serving governor (N7.7 million per annum), free healthcare for himself and members of his family and furniture allowance, which is 300 per cent of their annual basic salary (N23.3 million). The law further states that deputy governors are beneficiaries of vehicles, fully-paid vacation, medical insurance and other juicy perks.
While some states pay N300 million as gratuity, others pay as low as N2.2 million annually as a pension. Also, some states pay 300 per cent of annual basic salary every four years as furniture allowance. Free medical trips for ex-governors and their family members are provided in many states. Some states also provide two houses (one in their state and another in Abuja) for former governors.
Soon after Sanwo-Olu’s laudable decision, his Kwara State counterpart, Abdulrazaq Abdulrahman, on November 13, 2020, made a similar pronouncement via his Twitter handle. The governor said his administration would send a bill to the state House of Assembly to abolish pensions for former governors and their deputies. He said the decision was in line with his campaign promise.
Zamfara State had earlier repealed its public office holders pension law in November 2019 after former Governor Abdul’aziz Yari allegedly requested his N10 million ‘monthly upkeep’, which he said had not been paid for some months then. The Zamfara State House of Assembly thereafter abolished the law that allowed the payment of pensions and other allowances to the state’s former governors and their deputies. Imo State is set to repeal theirs accordingly.
At the last count, about 26 states have approved this life pension law for their former governors and their deputies. Ironically, according to reliable sources, states paying former governors and their deputies jumbo pensions top the list of states with the highest domestic and external debts in the country.
Information on the website of the Debt Management Office, (DMO), had it that the 26 states which have the pension laws for their ex-governors owe a total of N3,920,194,580,284.72 (about N4tn), comprising N2,906,789,725,341.46 domestic debts and $3,311,780,571.71 (N1,013,404,854,943.26) foreign debts as of June 30, 2019.
It is mind-boggling that former governors and their deputies and in some cases former speakers and their deputies are living large, existing in obscene opulence while most of their citizens wallow in abject poverty. To rub salt upon a festering injury, many of these former governors have taken “permanent seats” as either senators or ministers after their tour of duty as governors.
Following the obnoxious pension laws, many former governors now draw billions of naira as retirement allowances from their respective state governments. This is even as some governors have refused to pay pension arrears and gratuities of retired workers in their states and these debts have continued to mount.
In approving those bogus pensions, state governors failed to consider the severe economic impacts the huge payments would have on the states. We find it extremely unreasonable for a pension to be paid a public office holder who quits office after a maximum of eight years while the civil servant who labours for 35 years or attain 60 years of age to retire is denied his or her legitimate benefits and left to suffer hardship. We opine that not only governors should be denied this largesse, former presidents and heads of state who are currently placed on life pension should also cease from enjoying it.
In a suit instituted by the Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project, (SERAP), Justice Oluremi Oguntoyinbo of the Federal High Court, Lagos, had in a judgement ordered the Federal Government to recover pensions collected by former governors now serving as ministers and members of the National Assembly, and directed the Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Mr. Abubakar Malami (SAN), to challenge the legality of state pension laws permitting former governors and other ex-public officials to collect such pensions.
In another suit filed by the Taraba State Government against Mr. Garba Umar, a former acting governor of the state, the National Industrial Court declared as null and void, the payment of the controversial jumbo pension and gratuity to former governors and deputies not in harmony with what is approved by RMAFC. These laudable judgements should be enforced immediately.
Like many other retired public officers, government support for governors and their deputies should be based on recommendations of the RMAFC for severance allowances, be modest and within the limit of what is reasonably required for their upkeep and sustenance after leaving office. Former governors and their deputies should be assets, not liabilities to their respective states.
It is hoped that all the remaining states still paying life pension to their former governors will follow the good examples of Zamfara, Lagos and Kwara States. It is even more desirable now that Nigeria is in its worst economic recession in the last 36 years.
Editorial
Benue Killings: Beyond Tinubu’s Visit

The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Editorial
Responding To Herders’ Threat In Rivers

Editorial
Democracy Day: So Far…

Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.