Editorial
Need For S’South Dev Commission
President Muhammadu Buhari, on April 9, 2019, inaugurated the Maj-Gen Paul Tarfa-led 11-member board of the North East Development Commission (NEDC), established on October 25, 2017, with the mandate to coordinate the rebuilding of the insurgency-ravaged North East region. The National Assembly had in October, 2016 passed the bill while the president signed it into law in October, 2017.
The NEDC is charged with the responsibility to, “among other things, receive and manage funds from allocation of the Federal Account, local and international donors for the settlement, rehabilitation and reconstruction of roads, houses and business premises of victims of insurgency as well as tackling menace of poverty, illiteracy level, ecological problems and any other related environmental or developmental challenges in the North-East states” of Adamawa, Bauchi, Borno, Gombe, Taraba and Yobe.
Modelled along the management structure of the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), with a governing board, comprising a chairman; a managing director and chief executive; three executive directors (one from each member-state not being represented by the chairman of the board, the managing director and the representative of the North-East zone); one person each to represent the six geo-political zones of Nigeria; and one person to represent the Federal Ministry of Finance; and Budget and National Planning.
Similarly, the Senate on December 12, 2018, passed a 30-clause bill sponsored by Senator Samuel Anyanwu, and designed to establish the South East Development Commission (SEDC) to receive, manage and administer funds from allocation from the federation for the rehabilitation, reconstruction and reparation for lost houses and businesses of victims of the Nigerian Civil War, and also address any environmental or developmental challenges as well as other related matters in the geo-political zone, comprising Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugu and Imo States.
The House of Representatives concurred to the bill on May 16, 2019. And both chambers curiously failed to consider the fact that all South-South states also suffered devastating impacts from the ravages of the civil war, including dislocation and destruction of properties and businesses, in addition to loss of loved ones.
Designed to lay to rest incessant agitations from various quarters of marginalisation and neglect of the zone and ensure the unity and oneness of the country as encapsulated in the Yakubu Gowon initiative for the area which was abandoned, the commission, when signed into law, will function just like the NDDC and the NEDC.
The Tide is aware of the clamour in certain quarters for establishment of development commissions for other geo-political zones to address the peculiar needs of their people and environments. We also reckon with another argument for the creation of Nigerian Development Commission as a clearing house for synthesizing, managing and coordinating the development needs of each zone in the country rather than encumbering the nation with development commissions in each geo-political zone.
While we are not opposed to concerted and integrated efforts to secure the development of each of the zones, we must caution politicians to be careful not to politicize everything in the country.
We acknowledge that what is good for the goose is also good for the gander, but both the National Assembly and the Federal Government must realize that the NDDC, which every politician is struggling to replicate in their zone, was informed by centuries of fears of marginalization, neglect, oppression and deprivation of minority groups in the Niger Delta, which did not include the South-East and South-West regions.
While we appreciate the establishment of the NDDC in 2000 with the mission of facilitating the rapid, even and sustainable development of the Niger Delta into a region that is economically prosperous, socially stable, ecologically regenerative and politically peaceful, we regret to state that the commission, as currently structured and constituted, does not represent the interest and concerns of the age-long deprived people of the South-South.
We say so because with the political definition of the Niger Delta, as contained in the NDDC Act, which added Abia and Imo from the South-East, and Ondo from the South-West zones as members and beneficiaries of the commission’s policies and programmes, the core South-South states of Akwa Ibom, Bayelsa, Cross River, Delta, Edo and Rivers have been glaringly short-changed, and the main purpose of the NDDC clearly defeated, ab initio.
Indeed, when the colonial administration ventilated the concerns of the minority groups in the Niger Delta, and held several conferences before Nigeria’s Independence to agree on workable structures to manage the peculiar development needs of the people, the present configuration was not in the picture, as the now South-East and South-West regions were comfortable with the status and pace of development in their communities.
We think that the creation of SEDC, and possibly, South West Development Commission in future, will give such states as Abia, Imo and Anambra in the South-East, and Ondo and Lagos in the South-West, as well as Bauchi and Borno in the North-East, where crude oil have been found, and is being exploited or exploration is ongoing, undue advantage over the South-South states, because they will still benefit from the NDDC.
This is why we insist on the establishment of the South-South Development Commission (SSDC) to frontally tackle the environmental and development challenges of the impoverished people. We believe that if there is any zone in this country that requires special development agenda and institution to harness its challenges and drive development of affected communities, it is the South-South. If for nothing, the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) Report recommendations have set the groundwork for the establishment of such commission, with dedicated funding, for addressing the social, economic, environmental and developmental issues in the zone.
We, therefore, challenge National Assembly members from the six states in the zone to come together, articulate and formulate a bill to establish the SSDC, specifically tailored to resolve the resolutions and recommendations of the 1958 Willinks Commission. Perhaps, the lawmakers would also need to synergise with political leaders in the zone, especially governors, to frame a structure and institution that would be sustainable and address the people’s concerns, in the long run. This step, we think, will assuage frayed nerves in the zone, who feel disadvantaged by the subsisting NDDC Act, coverage, management structure and mandate.
Editorial
That Oshiomhole’s Call On FG’s Road Projects
There are moments in the life of a legislature when plain speaking becomes a public service. Senator Adams Oshiomhole provided such a moment on the floor of the Senate when he accused the Minister of Works, Senator David Umahi, of manifestly neglecting critical federal arteries in Edo and Delta States, and implored his colleagues to prevail on the Minister to adopt a more equitable and genuinely national approach to road infrastructure delivery. It was blunt, it was uncomfortable, and it was necessary.
The specifics of his complaint deserve restating. Drawing attention to the recent approval of some 20 new road projects despite the parlous state of existing ones, the former Edo State governor lamented that Nigerians cannot travel from Benin to Warri, Benin to Asaba, Benin to Auchi, or Auchi to Okene without encountering severe distress. He alleged a deliberate omission of these corridors from the national budget in the last three years, save for palliative interventions directed by President Bola Tinubu through tax credit arrangements. His question — “What have we done wrong?” — resonates far beyond the chambers of the National Assembly.
We lend our full and unequivocal support to that call. The Auchi-Benin Road, for instance, has been in a deplorable and near-impassable condition for several years, turning what should be a two-hour journey into an all-day ordeal of broken axles, extortionate fares, and despondent commuters. The media have, on multiple occasions, chronicled the suffering of motorists, traders, and students who ply that route. To describe it as a federal road today is to stretch the meaning of the term beyond recognition.
This pattern of sidelining is not confined to Edo or Delta. Even here in Rivers State, the disposition of the Federal Ministry of Works has left much to be desired, particularly along the Eleme axis of the East-West Road. That road, which ought to be a flagship of federal presence in the Niger Delta, has remained in a wretched state for long. Those who use it daily — workers at the Eleme Petrochemical Complex, the two refineries, Onne Port, and the countless ancillary industries — can attest to its deterioration. Work has proceeded in fits and starts without the sustained urgency such a strategic road demands.
The Eleme stretch is not a mere intra-state byway. It is the gateway to the nation’s economic jugular. According to the Federal Ministry of Works and Housing’s 2023 Highway Condition Survey, only about 35 per cent of the country’s 36,000 kilometres of federal roads are rated as being in good or fair condition, with the remainder classified as poor or very poor. The East-West Road, conceived in the 1970s to bind the entire Niger Delta, remains unfinished in critical sections more than four decades after. If it had been treated as a priority, the perennial gridlock, carnage, and economic loss on the Eleme-Refinery junction would have long been consigned to history.
The irony is as painful as it is glaring. The Niger Delta remains the goose that lays the golden eggs. Data from the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative [NEITI 2023 Oil and Gas Audit] show that the region still accounts for over 78 per cent of Nigeria’s federally collected export earnings and about 65 per cent of total government revenue. The National Bureau of Statistics [NBS Foreign Trade Report Q4 2024] similarly confirms that crude oil continues to dominate export receipts. By every metric of equity and economic logic, a region that sustains the national purse deserves first-rate consideration in the allocation of infrastructure, not afterthoughts and tokenism.
Road infrastructure is not largesse to be dispensed by favour; it is the skeleton upon which commerce, cohesion, and citizenship hang. When contracts are concentrated in one geopolitical zone while other zones are left to contend with craters, it erodes trust in the federation itself. The World Bank’s Nigeria Development Update [June 2023] estimated that poor transport connectivity inflates the cost of moving goods by up to 40 per cent and costs the Nigerian economy an estimated $1.5 billion annually in lost man-hours and vehicle maintenance. If we profess to be one country, then equity must be the compass that guides key institutions before any project is executed. Development must spread round, not pool in one place as though other regions do not matter.
There is also a grave security dimension that can no longer be ignored. The deplorable condition of federal roads has become a veritable enabler of criminality. The NBS Crime Experience and Security Perception Survey reported over 2.5 million incidents of kidnapping-related occurrences nationally, with transport workers identifying bad road spots as prime ambush points. When vehicles are forced to crawl at 10 kilometres per hour through failed sections at Auchi, Sapele Road, or Eleme, they become sitting ducks for armed gangs. Fixing bad roads, therefore, is not merely about convenience; it is about safeguarding lives.
By his intervention, Senator Oshiomhole has hit the nail on the head and reminded Minister Umahi of a fundamental constitutional truth: public office is held in trust. The Ministry of Works is not a personal estate where contracts are awarded according to whim or political convenience. It is a national institution funded by the collective resources of Nigerians, including the oil and gas rents from the very communities whose roads are now neglected. The Minister must demonstrate balance, transparency, and a pan-Nigerian outlook in the distribution of projects that impact the daily existence of citizens. Selective neglect breeds suspicion, and suspicion is corrosive at a time when the nation is preaching unity, oneness, equity, and justice.
Consequently, the National Assembly must go beyond rhetoric and assert its oversight powers with vigour. Sections 88 and 89 of the 1999 Constitution [as amended] empower the legislature to investigate and expose any maladministration in the execution of federal projects. If an office holder is not acting rightly, it is the duty of the Senate and the House of Representatives to call him to order. Oversight must not be reduced to budget approval ceremonies; it must translate to field verification, public hearings, and insistence that the Federal Character principle, as enshrined in Section 14(3) of the Constitution, reflects in road awards.
Let the Auchi-Okene, Benin-Warri, Benin-Asaba, and Eleme East-West gangways be restored to motorable dignity. Let priority be given to completing existing, economically vital roads before embarking on new ones. If those who, through their resources, sustain the federation are sidelined in the distribution of tangible dividends, it tells poorly of our nationhood. Bad roads must be fixed, and they must be fixed now, with fairness as the guiding standard.
Editorial
Making Rivers’ 2026 Budget Count
Editorial
Improving Surveillance in Rivers’ Boundary Communities
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