Editorial
Beyond Teachers’ Shortage
A National Personnel Audit Report on Public and Private Basic Education Schools in Nigeria conducted in 2018 has revealed a significant shortage of no fewer than 277, 537 teachers required to fill existing gaps at the basic education level. The Executive Secretary, Universal Basic Education Commission (UBEC), Dr Hamid Bobboyi, stated recently.
The audit specifically indicated that while 73 per cent of those teaching in public schools were qualified teachers, only 53 per cent of teachers in private schools were eligible to teach. The commission said the qualified teachers in both categories possessed the minimum requirement of Nigeria Certificate in Education (NCE) and above.
Shortage of teachers in Nigeria’s school system, especially at the basic level, is a huge challenge and equally indicates the rot that characterises education in the country. This is indeed tragic and requires urgent measures to tackle. It is even more displeasing when the quality of education largely depends on the value and qualification of teaching staff.
That a large chunk of unqualified teachers who probably exceed the percentage captured by the audit are in private schools is contemptible. We urge existing regulatory agencies at the state level to irresistibly compel private schools to be more committed to the recruitment of trained teachers that meet the minimum requirements to teach at the basic level.
If the teaching profession must conform to global best practices, certification of teachers, therefore, must become a compelling obligation in the overall desire to make the teaching profession relevant to contemporary dynamics of knowledge impartation at different levels of education.
Teaching has been neglected for long and the deficit in the number of qualified teachers is a reflection of such disregard to a very reasonable extent. This is a crucial setback to the age-long quest to professionalise teaching and make it more beneficial to fulfil the educational needs of the country. No undertaking in education can translate into development if critical investments are not made in basic education.
In 2016, the National Council on Education (NCE) set December 31, 2019, as the deadline for teachers in Nigeria to be certified and registered as professionals with the Teachers Registration Council of Nigeria (TRCN). The deadline was set in the belief that those already employed as teachers, but without the minimum provisions would update their certificates and be eligible for registration with TRCN.
Given the development, over two million teachers nationwide were captured under the Teacher Information System (TIS) as at the end of 2019 with the goal that only qualified teachers would be eligible to teach in schools. Disconcertingly, two years after the deadline, so many unqualified basic teachers in public and private schools are still glaringly exhibited.
It is alarming that teachers’ welfare is not given meaningful attention in Nigeria. This exposes them to ridicule and opprobrium as many cannot readily attend to daily financial obligations. Unacceptably, teachers have to resort to strikes to press for the payment of salaries often owed in a backlog of arrears. That constitutes a major disincentive to acceptable standards of education.
A vital area we got it wrong in basic education is in our refusal to accord the right recognition to the recommendations of the United Nations Educational, Cultural and Scientific Organisation (UNESCO) for adequate commitment to capacity building for prospective teachers. This is, indeed, pathetic. Specifically, Articles 16 and 17 of UNESCO recommendation state.
“Adequate grants or financial assistance should be available to students preparing for teaching to enable them to follow the courses provided and to live decently; as far as possible, the competent authorities should seek to establish a system of free teacher-preparation institutions”.
It seems UNESCO foresaw the prevailing challenges responsible for the shortage of teachers and addressed them in their recommendations. Regardless, our failure to implement them is our undoing. The development of requisite skills and passion for teaching is entirely retarded and this is responsible for the prevalent disdain younger generations in primary and secondary schools have for the profession.
The peril of unqualified teachers and charlatanism in the teaching profession cannot be condoned any further. A major reason why the teaching profession, particularly at the basic level, has lost its flavour is largely attributable to the decades of system delinquency that makes the profession all-comers business.
However, beyond ensuring that teachers are enrolled under the TIS as well as for other administrative purposes, government at all levels must rededicate commitment to improving knowledge and manpower of categories of personnel in the teaching profession.
Nigeria ought to return to the TTC Teachers Training Centres era when the rudiments of teaching were imparted.
Funding for research-based knowledge acquisition and regular training for teachers must be accorded priority if the dwindling quality of education as witnessed progressively in the last several decades is to be curtailed. Quality of teaching can only be enhanced through a commitment to periodic improvement in the capacities of personnel.
It is heartwarming that UBEC is hopeful of properly utilising the 10 per cent of its allocated revenue to the professional development of teachers through States’ Universal Basic Education Boards (SUBEBs). Though we are apprehensive about the likelihood of optimal utilisation of such intervention funds for their rightful purposes, the government needs to commit more resources to bring about a significant impact on the improvement of capacities of teachers.
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Editorial
Nigeria’s 27 Years of Civil Rule Journey
Nigeria returned to civil rule on May 29, 1999, after several years of military intervention in politics. The transition marked a major turning point in the nation’s history and raised hopes for freedom, stability, economic growth and accountable leadership. Citizens expected that elected governments would strengthen institutions, improve living conditions and unite the country after years of authoritarian rule. Twenty-seven years later, civil rule has survived without interruption, making it the longest uninterrupted civilian administration since independence in 1960.
Since 1999, Nigeria has witnessed six administrations at the federal level. Olusegun Obasanjo governed from 1999 to 2007, followed by Umaru Musa Yar’Adua from 2007 until his death in 2010. Goodluck Jonathan served from 2010 to 2015, while Muhammadu Buhari led the country between 2015 and 2023. Since May 2023, Bola Ahmed Tinubu has been in office. Though democracy has remained stable, governance outcomes have produced mixed reactions among Nigerians.
The country has made some notable progress over the past 27 years. Democratic institutions such as the National Assembly, judiciary, political parties and the media have become stronger than they were during military rule. Elections are now regular, though still imperfect. Telecommunications, banking, entertainment and digital technology have expanded greatly. Nigerian youths have also become more politically aware and active. The country’s economy, despite its difficulties, remains one of the largest in Africa.
However, many of the expectations that came with democracy remain unmet. Corruption, unemployment, poverty, insecurity and poor infrastructure continue to trouble the nation. Public confidence in government institutions has weakened over time because many citizens believe political leaders have not done enough to improve their welfare. Ethnic and religious tensions also remain major challenges. While democracy has endured, good governance has not always matched the hopes of the people.
President Tinubu’s administration began with bold economic decisions aimed at reforming the nation’s finances. His government removed fuel subsidy and unified the foreign exchange system. Supporters argue that these measures were necessary to reduce waste and attract investment. The government also increased revenue allocation to states and sought to improve tax administration. Yet the immediate impact has been severe hardship for millions of Nigerians. Inflation, high transport costs and the falling value of the naira have placed enormous pressure on households and businesses.
In education, the Tinubu administration has promised reforms through student loan schemes, support for technical education and efforts to reduce strikes in tertiary institutions. Some progress has been recorded with the establishment of the Nigerian Education Loan Fund. However, public schools still face poor funding, inadequate facilities and shortage of teachers. Many students continue to struggle with rising school fees and declining quality of education.
The health sector under the current administration has also recorded both efforts and challenges. Government has pledged to improve health insurance coverage. Nevertheless, hospitals across the country still suffer from inadequate equipment, shortage of medical personnel and brain drain as doctors and nurses continue to leave Nigeria for better opportunities abroad. Access to affordable healthcare remains difficult for many rural communities.
The power sector remains one of Nigeria’s biggest disappointments after nearly three decades of democracy. Despite repeated promises and reforms, electricity supply is still unstable. Businesses and households spend heavily on generators and fuel. The Tinubu administration has introduced policies aimed at decentralising power generation and encouraging investment, but ordinary Nigerians are yet to feel significant improvement in electricity supply.
The rising cost of living has become the greatest concern for many Nigerians today. Food prices, transportation costs and rent have increased sharply. Though the Federal Government introduced palliative programmes and cash transfer initiatives to cushion the effects of reforms, many citizens believe the interventions have been inadequate or poorly distributed. There is growing demand for more effective social protection programmes targeted at vulnerable citizens.
On national security, the government continues to battle terrorism, banditry, kidnapping and communal violence. Security agencies have recorded some successes in parts of the country, yet insecurity remains widespread. Farmers in many rural communities still face attacks, affecting food production and increasing fear among citizens. Regional stability in West Africa has also become more uncertain due to political crises in neighbouring countries. Nigeria continues to play a leading diplomatic role in the region, but internal security challenges weaken its influence.
In infrastructure and other key sectors, the Tinubu administration has continued several road, rail and housing projects inherited from previous governments. Investments in ports, gas and digital technology have also been encouraged. In agriculture, government has promoted mechanised farming, dry season cultivation and access to credit. Yet food insecurity remains high because insecurity, inflation and poor rural infrastructure continue to affect agricultural productivity. Nigeria still imports many food items despite its vast agricultural potential.
To improve national conditions, the Federal Government must place greater attention on job creation, industrialisation and support for small businesses. More investment is needed in agriculture, healthcare, education and electricity. Anti-corruption institutions should be strengthened while government spending must become more transparent. Leaders must also prioritise national unity and reduce political divisions. Nigerians expect reforms that produce visible improvements in their daily lives, not only policy announcements.
In Rivers State, the 27 years of civilian rule have produced substantial development alongside political tensions. The state has remained economically important because of its oil and gas resources. Different administrations since 1999 have invested in roads, schools, healthcare facilities and urban renewal projects. However, political conflicts and struggles for power have often affected governance and slowed development in parts of the state.
Governor Siminalayi Fubara assumed office in May 2023 amid high expectations and intense political disagreements. In infrastructure, his administration has initiated projects such as massive road construction, bridge rehabilitation and urban development schemes in parts of the state. Ongoing works on major roads and public facilities have been presented as efforts to improve transportation and economic activities. Critics, however, argue that political instability in the state has distracted government’s attention from faster project delivery.
In education and health, the Rivers State Government has continued support for public schools and healthcare centres. Efforts have reportedly been made to improve learning environments and sustain payment of workers’ salaries. In health, there have been interventions in hospitals and primary healthcare services. On security, the administration has worked with security agencies to maintain peace, although political tensions in the state have created uncertainty. In the civil service, workers and pensioners have largely continued to receive salaries, stipends, and welfare support. The state government has also shown interest in agriculture and power development, though these sectors still require stronger investment and clearer long term strategies.
Going forward, Rivers State needs greater political stability to achieve meaningful development. The government should focus more on rural roads, youth employment, agricultural expansion and uninterrupted healthcare services. Investments in independent power projects and industrial development would help attract businesses and reduce unemployment. Above all, political leaders in the state must place the interest of the people above personal or factional battles. Democracy can only succeed when governance delivers peace, development, and hope to ordinary citizens.
Editorial
Enough Of Xenophobic Attacks On Nigerians
The xenophobic attacks and anti-foreigner sentiments in South Africa are not new, but their persistence makes them an increasingly explosive issue. Each cycle of violence against foreign nationals chips away at the country’s moral authority and threatens the very ideals upon which post-apartheid South Africa was built. A nation that once symbolised triumph over institutionalised oppression is fast becoming a theatre of intolerance, where fellow Africans are targeted for the simple crime of seeking a livelihood.
Only recently, the South African President, Cyril Ramaphosa, described those who attack foreigners in his country as opportunists and criminals. Yet, words alone have proved entirely ineffective in halting the carnage on the streets. The latest wave of violence has reportedly claimed the lives of two Nigerians and two Ghanaians, while properties worth millions of rands belonging to several foreign nationals have been destroyed.
In a fierce reaction to these killings, Senator Adams Oshiomhole urged the Nigerian Federal Government to act immediately by withdrawing the operational licences of MTN and DSTV. These two South African giant establishments represent massive economic interests in Nigeria. Senator Oshiomhole believes such retaliatory measures are necessary to compel the South African government to pay urgent attention to the unchecked lawlessness within its borders.
However, many Nigerians view this legislative suggestion as far too drastic, arguing that it should only ever be considered as a last resort. This caution stems from the reality that these multi-national firms employ thousands of Nigerian citizens. Shutting down their operations abruptly would inevitably inflict more economic injury on the very population the government seeks to protect, worsening the domestic unemployment situation.
The undeniable truth remains that the Nigerian authorities cannot continue to fold their arms while atrocities are committed against their citizens in the former apartheid enclave. Our countrymen and their businesses face existential threats daily in South Africa. The primary constitutional duty of any responsible government is the protection of the lives and property of its citizens, whether at home or abroad.
In times past, South Africa was at the mercy of the international community, and other African nations generously came to its aid. Today, it is deeply ironic and unfortunate that South Africans are the ones chasing away citizens of the very countries that sheltered them. The current hostility, which extends to cold-blooded murder and the arson of foreign-owned shops, is a complete betrayal of continental solidarity.
We firmly believe that this is not an indignity that Nigerians should continue to stomach. We call on the Federal Government in Abuja to deal with this recurring diplomatic crisis with all the seriousness and firmness it deserves. Standard diplomatic platitudes and routine condemnations have failed to yield results, meaning a more robust approach is now required.
We equally call on the African Union to intervene decisively in this situation. This crisis directly affects multiple member states, as citizens of Ghana and other African countries have also fallen victim to the hostility. The African Union must step up to resolve this matter permanently, as allowing a member nation to persistently violate the spirit of continental integration undermines the purpose of the union.
President Ramaphosa attributes the unfortunate developments to mere criminals and opportunists, but we must ask if that is all a head of state is supposed to say. What decisive judicial measures are the South African authorities taking to end these ugly incidents? After all, reports indicate that the two Nigerians who died were killed by the nation’s security forces, raising questions about whether the state itself is complicit.
If these perpetrators are South African citizens, the government must demonstrate that they are truly being treated as criminals under the law. It is imperative for the Nigerian government to sustain intense diplomatic pressure on the South African authorities to ensure justice is served. The African continent shares a common destiny, and its peoples must begin to see themselves as one brotherhood.
When South Africa needed liberation from the shackles of apartheid, Nigeria was at the forefront of the struggle. At a point, the giant of Africa structurally aligned its foreign policy to reflect Africa as its centrepiece. Salaries of Nigerian civil servants were deducted to fund the anti-apartheid struggle, and many South Africans received free university education in Nigeria, including former President Thabo Mbeki.
While we understand that severe economic pressures exist within South Africa, targeting foreign businesses is a counterproductive response. The businesses currently being destroyed are legitimate, tax-paying entities that actually employ South African youth. The Pretoria government must find a sustainable way to accommodate and protect legal migrants who contribute directly to the local economy.
South Africans frequently tell foreigners to return and build their own nations, but they must remember when those same foreign nationals helped build their nation in its hour of greatest need. A day may well come when South Africa will require the support of its neighbours once again. Let the former apartheid country rise to the occasion, embrace its history, and finally become its brother’s keeper.
Editorial
NCC, Save Nigerians From Exploitation
For too long, Nigerians have endured a telecommunications environment that takes their money readily but delivers services that fall woefully short of acceptable standards. The Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC), established precisely to regulate this sector and protect consumers, must now demonstrate that it possesses both the will and the authority to compel telecom operators to treat their subscribers with the basic dignity that paying customers deserve. The Federal Government’s recent directive asking telecom service providers to compensate subscribers for poor services is a welcome development. But directives without enforcement are merely words on paper.
The problem of dropped calls has reached alarming proportions across Nigeria. Conversations end abruptly without warning; voices vanish mid-sentence while the parties involved remain entirely unaware that communication has ceased. This is not a minor inconvenience to be dismissed lightly. It represents a fundamental failure of service delivery that, in any well-regulated market, would attract significant financial penalties. According to the NCC’s own data, Nigeria recorded over 57 million subscriber complaints in recent years, with network quality issues accounting for a substantial share. These figures demand urgent, decisive action rather than the customary cycle of promises and inaction.
Equally troubling is the persistent difficulty Nigerians face when attempting to browse the internet, even when their data subscriptions remain active and valid. A subscriber who has paid for data expects to use that data. Instead, many find themselves staring at buffering screens and failed page loads, their megabytes draining silently while they accomplish nothing. This renders paid subscriptions effectively worthless during peak hours or in poorly served areas, an arrangement that would be commercially and legally untenable in any serious regulatory environment.
The Consumer Protection Council (CPC), the Standards Organisation of Nigeria (SON), and the telecom operators themselves must be compelled to undertake a thorough review of their operational standards. Subscribers are entitled to receive value commensurate with what they pay, and any gap between the service promised and the service delivered must attract measurable consequences. These regulatory bodies were not established to serve as ceremonial institutions. They exist to hold corporate actors accountable, and their silence in the face of widespread consumer suffering has itself become a subject of legitimate public concern.
One of the most glaring structural inequities in Nigeria’s telecommunications market is the practice of selling data, airtime, and voice calls as entirely separate products. In most parts of the world, purchasing airtime brings with it a reasonable bundle of voice minutes and data allowances. In Nigeria, subscribers must pay separately for each, multiplying their costs and deepening their exposure to exploitation. This fragmented billing model benefits only the operators and represents a deliberate structuring of the market against consumer interests. It is long past time for regulators to scrutinise this practice with the seriousness it deserves.
History offers an instructive lesson. When MTN and other early operators insisted that billing subscribers by the second was technically impossible, many Nigerians accepted this claim as gospel. Then Globacom entered the market and promptly introduced per-second billing, exposing the earlier position as not a technical impossibility but a commercial choice, one made at the subscriber’s expense. This episode ought to remind Nigerians and their regulators that operators will resist reforms they find inconvenient and will dress commercial self-interest in the language of technical necessity. The authorities must not again be so easily persuaded.
The Federal Government must go beyond merely asking telecom companies to compensate subscribers and instead compel them to do so, backed by enforceable regulations and meaningful sanctions. Compensation frameworks should be clearly defined, automatically triggered, and communicated transparently to affected subscribers. Where service quality falls below prescribed thresholds — as measured by call drop rates, data throughput, and network availability — operators must face financial consequences proportionate to the scale of subscriber losses. Voluntary compliance in the absence of penalties has delivered nothing; compulsion supported by law is now necessary.
The rot, however, does not stop with telecommunications. Electricity distribution companies have subjected Nigerian consumers to a parallel crisis of poor service accompanied by rising costs. The Federal Government cannot evade its share of responsibility here, having repeatedly approved tariff increases for electricity providers even as Nigerians endure prolonged blackouts, erratic supply, and metering irregularities. To approve higher charges for deteriorating services is not governance; it is complicity. Electricity companies must equally be directed to refund or credit consumers for the hours and days of supply they have collected payment for but failed to deliver.
The consequences of electricity failure radiate outward, compounding the suffering of cable television subscribers as well. Many Nigerians who subscribe to cable services find that their subscription validity expires before they can consume the content they have paid for — not because of any choice on their part, but simply because there was no electricity with which to watch television. A subscriber who pays for thirty days of cable service but receives only twelve days of electricity supply has, in practical terms, been charged for a service they could not access. Cable providers must be required to refund or extend subscriptions accordingly.
For several years, Nigerian consumers and civil society groups have been calling on the Federal Government to direct cable companies to adopt a pay-as-you-consume billing model, one in which subscribers are charged only for the days they are able to access the service, rather than losing the entirety of a monthly subscription regardless of circumstances. This is a reasonable and technically achievable reform. The fact that it has not been implemented speaks to the strength of lobbying by service providers and the weakness of consumer advocacy within government. The authorities must demonstrate that they answer to the people, not to corporations.
It is worth stating plainly that what Nigerian subscribers are experiencing across telecommunications, electricity, and cable services is exploitation — systematic, sustained, and in many cases legally unaddressed. These companies collect revenue efficiently. Their billing systems never fail. Their ability to deactivate services for non-payment is swift and reliable. It is only the delivery of actual service that proves persistently difficult. This asymmetry — perfect billing, imperfect service — is not accidental. It is the product of a regulatory environment too weak, too slow, or too compromised to protect the public interest.
The NCC, for its part, must understand that its credibility as a regulator depends entirely on its willingness to act against the very industry it oversees. A regulator that consistently sides with operators, accepts their explanations for poor service, and fails to impose meaningful sanctions has, in effect, become an instrument of the industry it was meant to police. The Commission must publish clear, regular quality-of-service reports, enforce minimum standards robustly, and ensure that compensation reaches ordinary subscribers — not in the form of vague assurances, but as tangible, measurable relief.
Nigerians are not asking for perfection. They are asking for fairness. They are asking that the services they pay for be delivered with reasonable competence and consistency, and that when operators fail, there are real consequences. The Federal Government, the NCC, the Consumer Protection Council, and the Standards Organisation of Nigeria all have roles to play in making this a reality.
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