Opinion
Appraising Kingship In Ndoni (11)
For instance, the Aboh and Ndoni ancient towns were
first founded by the Igbo-speaking elements from Nri or Awka zone. For Aboh, they were the Akala or Akalai party whose eponymous ancestor was Ogidi who magically invoked down an imposing rock (salvivic water deity) that aided his party to cross the Niger from Isala axis, a reason why the ancestors of Akili never drowned in the river. In Ndoni, they were the Obonya elements, whose ancestor was Awka, father of Aguukwu to Ezenwocha and Anyaogwu. Both Ogidi and the Awka were reputed to have arrived at the banks of the lower Niger about the 10th century or before. History has it that the Onya siblings among the Akalai elements moved downstream and founded the Onya town before Aboh conquered the Akalai people and dispersed them into founding the Akalai Obodo, Akalai-etiti, Akili Ogidi and Akili-Ozizor area of Ogbaru – spreading to Delta and Anambra States. Among the Onya siblings, are those in Onikwu, Atani, Engeni, Okpai and Onuabor, etc. As the Igwe culture follows them along, it is wrong to relate the aborigines of this group to Benin without any linguistic and cultural evidences. The name “Akalai or Akili” originated from “akala” or tattoo-marked ichi faces of the ancient Igbo elements at Aboh axis. The word “akala” got corrupted to Akalai, Akarai or Akili with time, movement and linguistic associations of stranger elements in the midst of the people at various locations. Indeed, Ndoni axis was the focal point for the crossing of the then narrow Niger to the Aboh complex by the first Igbo immigrants that enculturated the Aboh-Benin elements with Igbo language. It was as a result of this language that King Boy of Brass in the 18th century, described the Obi Ossai of Aboh as the king of Ibos during the slave trade. Moreso, from Ndoni axis, the group noted as Aguukwu descent moved to found the Odugili town near Ndoni in the 16th century. Historical trend also proved that a descent group noted as uchi elements (umu-nshi or Umu-nri) also came from Nri, crossing the Niger from Ossomala axis to settle in the west bank, which a fractional group (Umu-uchi or Umu-nri) still settled in Ossomala and Odekpe towns first before the Igala immigrants arrived around the 16th century A. D.
For the fact that “Ndoni town” is a place of larger population and wider recognition in the district/area, the name is used to benchmark other smaller neighboring communities in Ndoni District as in Rivers State, hence the former Midwestern state of Nigeria named the district “Ndoni Area” and also called it “A special Area”, meaning (a district across the Niger with petroleum, gas and other natural resources). Ndoni area by 1976 became a district Headquarters administratively headed by an Assistant Divisional Officer (ADO). Despite the fact that the present Councils do not take proper care of the area, it is still one of the Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni or ONELGA outpost headquarters under the surveillance of the Awoh of Ndoni.
According to the Oxford Advanced Learner’s English Dictionary by A. S. Hornby, “Revolution is any attempt to change a system of government, especially by force. It is also defined as any attempt to change any system or condition. Does the traditional coronation ceremony of 23rd November, 2013 represent a systematic subversion of the power of the Awoh or a revolution of the system of kingship in Ndoni District? Either of these may be saturated with sedition, anarchy and cultural hopelessness. In pursuit of the anthropological history of Ndoni Kingdom, the Igwe title of the extinct, ancient and acephalous Obonyan society of the early Igbo stock, was a gerontocratic patriarch (not king) of Obonya, who after the political and military conquest of the Obonya by the Ndoni royal stock in the 15th century, became the title of the Eze –Agana Juju priest, below the Awoh in the entire Ndoni Kingdom, as established by the first Igwe Ezenwocha in the 17th century, just the same way as the Igwe title became of the Onikwu patriarch leader and priest of the Onite (Iguana) deity till date. How then can anybody in Ndoni Kingdom per se, take this priestly title as kingship? At least the Ndoni historians should be consulted before this arrangements; even though kingship in Ndoni must follow the ancestral divine right as all dictionaries of politics cover.
The reigning Awoh kingship in Ndoni kingdom originated with Omeke aborigines of Ndoni who migrated from Benin City through the modern-day Bayelsa State in the 15th Century. The kingship did not originate from Onikwu village either. The title of Igwe Akkah, however, has no cultural empiricism that can be traced back to the past as any existed kingship in the entire Ndoni Kingdom. It only represents ethnical degradation in Ndoni culture, if it sustains.
As for the personality of Chief Victor Odili, he is a figure to reckon with as far as the socio-political history of Ndoni Town and the entire Ndoni area is concerned. However, my contention is that the Awoh of Ndoni kingdom, who is already recognised and coupled with the famous standard of Ndoni in Rivers state and Nigeria, should have been the rightful king to bestow whatever title to him in order to legitimize it, given the ancientness and royalty of Ndoni Kingship, socio-political achievements and personalities that have so far risen from such a kingdom Akwe-Obodo is yet a patriarchal chiefdom, not a kingdom. How can an elder from a non-royal family of a chiefdom crown a person in an existing royal kingdom or is it a cultural bastardization and desecration that may sound ridiculous in history? As an Ndoni anthropologist and historian, I remember that on 14 June, 2006, I interviewed HRH Dr. Gabriel Okeya Obi X, Awoh of Ndoni about the recognition of other Ndoni district traditional rulers, which he said he had advised them to install their rulers and introduce to him, the Awoh, for confirmation.
As for the right whatsoever to raise any assistant ruler of Ndoni District, it is the place of the Awoh or for any urgent need, the Okpala-ukwu (odua) of Ndoni to do so. If the Odua does it, the Awoh confirms it on the throne later. The Oldest man in Ndoni district outside the royalty cannot be determined from the blues by political and egoistic randomization engendered by a revolutionary intent. This is because it is an extreme view to canvass for social horizontalism (non-hierarchy), in any African society. The oldest man in Ndoni district outside the royalty cannot be determined by Oracle or by skin wrinkles any longer, but by the early intellectual exposure of the Ndoni district people
Two days after the interment or enthronement of the king, Mmanwu may be invited later for benediction and spiritual biography of the king. The Mmanwu amidst prayers for long life of the king recounts the Mmanwu anthem which is “Igo Ofor and goes away after one (1) hour. For the king’s invitation of the Mmanwu, cows and fees for logistics are heavily sponsored, depending on the number of Mmanwu bands invited. Any other reason for inviting sacred Mmanwu to enthronement feat amounts to cultural cynicism against the traditional statusquo, otherwise it is unnecessary.
From the view point of a writer and social commentator, the only way the Ndoni people may not be sniggered for vested interest and opportunism is to come together, close ranks and arrange things traditionally and conventionally for the world not to see this trend as a dynastic revolution and expediency, arising from a cross-sectional intransigence of some elements.
Concluded.
Ikwuazom is an Ndoni historian and anthropologist.
Charles Ikwuazom
Opinion
Restoring Order, Delivering Good Governance
The political atmosphere in Rivers State has been anything but calm in 2025. Yet, a rare moment of unity was witnessed on Saturday, June 28, when Governor Siminalayi Fubara and Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike, appeared side by side at the funeral of Elder Temple Omezurike Onuoha, Wike’s late uncle. What could have passed for a routine condolence visit evolved into a significant political statement—a symbolic show of reconciliation in a state bruised by deep political strife.
The funeral, attended by dignitaries from across the nation, was more than a moment of shared grief. It became the public reflection of a private peace accord reached earlier at the Presidential Villa in Abuja. There, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu brought together Governor Fubara, Minister Wike, the suspended Speaker of the Rivers State House of Assembly, Martin Amaewhule, and other lawmakers to chart a new path forward.
For Rivers people, that truce is a beacon of hope. But they are not content with photo opportunities and promises. What they demand now is the immediate lifting of the state of emergency declared in March 2025, and the unconditional reinstatement of Governor Fubara, Deputy Governor Dr. Ngozi Odu, and all suspended lawmakers. They insist on the restoration of their democratic mandate.
President Tinubu’s decision to suspend the entire structure of Rivers State’s elected leadership and appoint a sole administrator was a drastic response to a deepening political crisis. While it may have prevented a complete breakdown in governance, it also robbed the people of their voice. That silence must now end.
The administrator, retired naval chief Ibok-Ette Ibas, has managed a caretaker role. But Rivers State cannot thrive under unelected stewardship. Democracy must return—not partially, not symbolically, but fully. President Tinubu has to ensure that the people’s will, expressed through the ballot, is restored in word and deed.
Governor Fubara, who will complete his six-month suspension by September, was elected to serve the people of Rivers, not to be sidelined by political intrigues. His return should not be ceremonial. It should come with the full powers and authority vested in him by the constitution and the mandate of Rivers citizens.
The people’s frustration is understandable. At the heart of the political crisis was a power tussle between loyalists of Fubara and those of Wike. Institutions, particularly the State House of Assembly, became battlegrounds. Attempts were made to impeach Fubara. The situation deteriorated into a full-blown crisis, and governance was nearly brought to its knees.
But the tide must now turn. With the Senate’s approval of a record ?1.485 trillion budget for Rivers State for 2025, a new opportunity has emerged. This budget is not just a fiscal document—it is a blueprint for transformation, allocating ?1.077 trillion for capital projects alone. Yet, without the governor’s reinstatement, its execution remains in doubt.
It is Governor Fubara, and only him, who possesses the people’s mandate to execute this ambitious budget. It is time for him to return to duty with vigor, responsibility, and a renewed sense of urgency. The people expect delivery—on roads, hospitals, schools, and job creation.
Rivers civil servants, recovering from neglect and under appreciation, should also continue to be a top priority. Fubara should continue to ensure timely payment of salaries, address pension issues, and create a more effective, motivated public workforce. This is how governance becomes real in people’s lives.
The “Rivers First” mantra with which Fubara campaigned is now being tested. That slogan should become policy. It must inform every appointment, every contract, every budget decision, and every reform. It must reflect the needs and aspirations of the ordinary Rivers person—not political patrons or vested interests.
Beyond infrastructure and administration, political healing is essential. Governor Fubara and Minister Wike must go beyond temporary peace. They should actively unite their camps and followers to form one strong political family. The future of Rivers cannot be built on division.
Political appointments, both at the Federal and State levels, must reflect a spirit of fairness, tolerance, and inclusivity. The days of political vendettas and exclusive lists must end. Every ethnic group, every gender, and every generation must feel included in the new Rivers project.
Rivers is too diverse to be governed by one faction. Lasting peace can only be built on concessions, maturity, and equity. The people are watching to see if the peace deal will lead to deeper understanding or simply paper over cracks in an already fragile political arrangement.
Wike, now a national figure as Minister of the FCT, has a responsibility to rise above the local fray and support the development of Rivers State. His influence should bring federal attention and investment to the state, not political interference or division.
Likewise, Fubara should lead with restraint, humility, and a focus on service delivery. His return should not be marked by revenge or political purges but by inclusive leadership that welcomes even former adversaries into the process of rebuilding the state.
“The people are no longer interested in power struggles. They want light in their streets, drugs in their hospitals, teachers in their classrooms, and jobs for their children. The politics of ego and entitlement have to give way to governance with purpose.
The appearance of both leaders at the funeral was a glimpse of what unity could look like. That moment should now evolve into a movement-one that prioritizes Rivers State over every personal ambition. Let it be the beginning of true reconciliation and progress.
As September draws near, the Federal government should act decisively to end the state of emergency and reinstate all suspended officials. Rivers State must return to constitutional order and normal democratic processes. This is the minimum requirement of good governance.
The crisis in Rivers has dragged on for too long. The truce is a step forward, but much more is needed. Reinstating Governor Fubara, implementing the ?1.485 trillion budget, and uniting political factions are now the urgent tasks ahead. Rivers people have suffered enough. It is time to restore leadership, rebuild trust, and finally put Rivers first.
By: Amieyeofori Ibim
Amieyeofori Ibim is former Editor of The Tide Newspapers, political analyst and public affairs commentator
Opinion
Checking Herdsmen Rampage
Do the Fulani herdsmen have an expansionists agenda, like their progenitor, Uthman Dan Fodio? Why are they everywhere even the remotest part of other areas in Nigeria harassing, maiming, raping and killing the owners of the land?”
In a swift reaction, The Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP) decried and strongly condemned the invasion by suspected Fulani herdsmen.
In his denunciation, MOSOP President Fegalo Nsuke described the incident as very unfortunate and deeply troubling, warning against a recurrence of the violence experienced in Benue State. “The killing of yesterday is bad and very unfortunate. We are getting preliminary information about how the herders gained access to the farmland, and it appears some hoodlums may be collecting money and granting access illegally.”
He called on the Hausa community in Rivers State to intervene swiftly to prevent further attacks.
“We want the Hausa community in Rivers State to take urgent action to ensure these issues are resolved”.
But will such appeal and requests end the violent disposition of the Fulani herdsmen? It is not saying something new that the escalating threat and breach of peace across the country by the Fulani herdsmen or those suspected to be Fulani herdsmen, leaves much to be desired in a country that is bedevilled by multi-dimensional challenges and hydra-headed problems.
Some upland Local Government Areas of Rivers State, such as Etche, Omuma, Emohua, Ikwerre, Oyigbo, Abua, Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni, have severally recounted their ordeals, as herdsmen invaded farmlands, destroyed crops, raped female farmers and killed protestant residents.
Again the wanton destruction of lives and properties which no doubt has overwhelmed the Nigerian Police, makes the clamour for State Police, indispensable. The National Assembly should consider the amendment of the Constitution to allow States to have their Statutory policing agencies.
Opinion
Is Nigeria Democratic Nation?
As insurgency has risen to an all time high in the country were killings has now grown to be a normal daily activity in some part of the nation it may not be safe to say that Nigeria still practices democracy.
Several massacres coming from the Boko Haram and the herdsmen amongst all other insurgencies which have led to the destruction of homes and killing, burning of communities especially in the northern part of the country. All these put together are result of the ethnic battles that are fought between the tribes of Nigeria and this can be witnessed in Benue State where herders and farmers have been in constant clashes for ages. They have experienced nothing but casualties and unrest.
In the month of June 13-14, the Yelwata attack at the Guma Local Government Area by suspected gunmen or herdsmen who stormed the houses of innocent IDPs (Internally Displaced Persons) claiming the lives of families, both adults and children estimated to be 200 victims. They were all burnt alive by these unknown gunmen.
This has been recorded as one of the deadliest insurgencies that had happened in recent years. Some security personnel that were trying to fight the unknown gunmen also lost their lives.
Prior to the Yelewata attack, two days before the happening, similar conflict took place in Makurdi on June 11, 2025. 25 people were killed in the State. Even in Plateau State and the Southern Kaduna an attack also took place in the month of June.
All other states that make up the Middle Belt have been experiencing the farmers/herders clash for years now and it has persisted up till recent times, claiming lives of families and children, homes and lands, escalating in 2025 with coordinated assaults.
Various authorities and other villagers who fled for safety also blamed the herdsmen in the State for the attack that happened in Yelwata community.
Ehebha God’stime is an Intern with The Tide.
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