Opinion
Towards Preventing Strikes In Health Sector
Emmanuel Ikpegbu
Nigeria has been beset by a number of strikes and industrial actions involving virtually all sectors of the economy. From the Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC) to the Trade Union Congress (TUC) and from the Nigeria Union of Teachers (NUT) to their senior counterparts in the universities, polytechnics and colleges of education, the story is the same.
The unanswered question then is why all these strikes? Why has industrial action become the last resort to resolve industrial disputes?
If strikes can be permitted as a way of settling disputes between employees and employers, what about essential sectors like the medical?
On several occasions, doctors and nurses have embarked on strikes to press home their demands. The effects of this on patients are better imagined as many lives have been lost in the process. Why would a set of people who run essential services second to God’s – life saving – go on strike?
Recently, the Association of Resident Doctors (ARD) of Imo State University Teaching Hospital (IMSUTH), Umuna, Orlu, went on indefinite strike following its management’s refusal to implement the earlier agreements. The raison d’etre for the industrial action was to save the institution from decadence and imminent collapse. They argued that major medical equipment procured with tax payers’ money for over 24 months are lying waste. Magnetic Resonance Imaging (MRI) device and Computed Tomography Scan (CT-Scan) are among the machines that have not been put to use since their acquisition. Whereas, these machines need only a little amount to make them functional.
There is also the issue of non-payment of 12 House Officers for the past five years. The medical workers are demanding for wage increase and better condition of service. They posit that a better working condition will foster efficient services.
There is no gainsaying that our medical doctors deserve better attention, considering the amount of years they put in studies before attaining this height and the importance of their role to humanity. They are charged with such a “godly” role in the society that makes them special specie. Therefore, they deserve better packages.
But then, strike in the medical field cannot be justified. This is because at such times, patients are left unattended to. Many people eventually die in the process, while the few lucky ones are made to undergo serious agony.
If teachers can go on strike and deny students of learning, which they can always re-acquire at the end of the strike; if tanker drivers can refuse to supply crude oil which could still be supplied whenever they call off their strike; doctors cannot revive the life of a patient who gave up the ghost during a strike action.
It is in the light of this that a bill that would prohibit health workers from embarking on industrial actions is required. But the bill should be drafted in such a way that it would not deprive the health workers their fundamental rights. While the bill is meant to checkmate the rate of industrial actions in the sector, the welfare and working conditions of the medical workers should be given top priority. In other words, the law forestalling industrial actions in the health sector should not in any way undermine the legitimate demands of health workers.
How our government would achieve this without unnecessarily violating the fundamental rights of both the medical workers and the patients will go a long way in shoring up the image of our country as a progressive nation that cherishes the welfare and lives of its citizenry.
Ikpegbu, a student of Imo State University, Owerri is an intern with The Tide.
Opinion
Soludo’s Mandate: Austerity Or Prudence?
The Executive Governor of Anambra state, Professor Chukwuma Soludo, recently celebrated the second anniversary of his administration in office. Prof. Soludo won the Anambra State 2021 Governorship elections with a remarkable landslide, in one of Nigeria’s most popular and freest elections. A professor of Economics and former governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, who spearheaded banking sector reforms and reconsolidation that became points of reference, Prof Soludo was heralded as the messiah of Anambra State, especially as he promised to make the state the “Dubai and Japan of Africa.”
But mid-way into his administration, the euphoria about the Soludo magic has long dissipated. The disappointed and well-wishers who gathered at the venue of his anniversary at Awka, may have come to get first-hand account of the happenings and to reassess their stand. Usually such events are opportunities for office holders to recount their accomplishments. Governor Soludo, while narrating a litany of achievements, said he runs an austere government in the state to the point of claiming not taking any salaries since assumption of office, and that even the first lady does not have any car allocation from the State.
What stands out however, is that the governor said he has insisted not to borrow, even though records show that the governor has sought and got approval from the State House of Assembly to borrow N100 billion.
So far, Soludo’s decision not to borrow is commendable, because records show that as at January, 2023 the State’s debt deductions stood at N872,425,828.86 per month, which was 27.8 per cent of net statutory allocation and 12.4 per cent of total allocation. Today, that burden is more than double due to naira devaluation.
Additional kudos goes to Soludo from Anambra’s 2024 budget summary documents, which shows that the approved 2023 budget estimate of N260,394,690,434 yielded a revenue of only N155,647,114,526.22 out of which the State spent only N76,905,169,399.35 to realise a whopping surplus of N78,741,945,126.87, in 2023.
However, how austere is Soludo’s administration? And is austerity a measure of development?
As sympathetic as the first family’s acclaimed self-denial may sound, the office of the first lady is not a constitutional creation, and therefore has no entitlements. The governor’s basic salary is N185,306.75, while his hardship and constituency allowances are N92,654.37 and N370,617.50, respectfully, all of which sum to N648,578.62, a negligible amount compared to the governor’s monthly security vote of N850 million, amounting to over N10 billion per year, plus other perks of office.
Former Governor Obiano is currently facing charges of diverting N4 billion from security votes. Soludo should have told the public if he has cut down such humongous allowances.
Anambra State’s approved 2024 budget of N410,132,225,272.11 also shows that the governor’s office receives N11,199,200,089.19 comprising personnel bills of N4,668,243,574.08 and capital expenditure sum of N6,530,956,515.11, for the State’s Boundary Commission, Anambra State Public Procurement Agency, Anambra State Investment Promotion & Protection Agency, Anambra State Action Commission on AIDS (ANSACA), Christian Pilgrims Board, Muslim Pilgrims Board, Anambra State Small Business Agency (ASBA), Greater Onitsha Development Agency and the Greater Nnewi Development Agency, whereas these agencies should belong to requisite ministries, while the office of the governor is saddled with developmental concerns.
On the social sector, Soludo’s administration allocates a paltry annual purse of N175,000 for the upkeep of each secondary school in the state, which translates to less than N60,000 per term, and may be the reason some principals got tempted to request fees from students.
The plight of 656 health centres in the state are more pitiable as most receive N140,000 per year, which is about N11,667 to fuel generators and other expenditures.
The Orumba General Hospital is allocated N105,000. The State should be more realistic in funds allocation to ensure that meager funds do not stifle essential institutions.
Anambra’s 21 local councils that draw a total monthly federal allocation of over N8 billion, continue to be ruled by illegal Transition Committee Chairmen appointed by the governor, thus denying the state of political tutelages at the council levels that groom vibrant politicians to the national level, while Anambra State Independent Electoral Commisson lies idle with allocation of N197,301,110.40.
As for roads construction, the governor may have done well, with the Ekwulobia on-going project standing most prominent, but what is on ground across the State lags far behind expectations. It took him two years to deliver his flagship campaign promise at Okpoko in Onitsha, combined with a re-election fever to deliver the Opkunoeze road at Nnewi, probably wary of Senator Ifeanyi Uba’s factor.
In a country where politicians envision themselves as construction project management officers, road works, however inappropriate, have become the be all of the average. But for a professor of Economics who had sat at the vintage position of a Central Bank governor, where the impacts of policies and big industries are clearly understood, there are far bigger development expectations for which Soludo’s coming sounded messianic.
While his tax administration reforms are commendable, the brigandage of the Ocha Brigade and ANJET are eliciting sorrowful tales from the masses. Insecurity remains a terror in the state.
This is unlike Alex Otti of Abia State who has initiated rapid ‘positive disruptions as Soludo likes to coin it and capped it with Geometric Power’s 24-hour of electricity in Aba. In Imo State, Seplat Energy and Nigeria Gas Infrastructure Company (NGIC) are rounding-up a $700 million ANOH Gas Processing Plant, while Shell/NNPC is completing a $3.5 billion Obiafu-Obrikom-Oben OB3 gas pipeline network, despite insecurity, to link the Escravos-Lagos pipeline system. Moreso, Shell has just empowered youths from the host communities of Assa, Ochia, Awarra, Obile, Avu, Obissima, Obuomadike, Ununwaku, Ohoba, Obitti and Umuapu, who graduated from its one-year training. Road construction and contracts in Imo would be usual community development accompaniments.
While the rat-race for revenue drives continue in Anambra, the State sits on 50 billion barrels of crude oil reserve, and 10 trillion cubic feet of gas waiting development. Dr. ABC Orjiako, is from Anambra State, and Mr. Emeka Offor’s Chrome Group, whose Interstate Electric Company Ltd are stakeholders in Enugu Electricity Distribution Company (EEDC) and the Alaoji power plant. Its obvious the State has the human resources to develop its potentials, but needs prudent leadership.
Anambra, home to the Innoson Car Assembly plant, industries and businesses that are suffocating under poor electricity, needs visionary managers that draw down greater benefits, even if they do not forego salaries.
By: Joseph Nwankwo
Opinion
Nigeria: Revisiting The Restructuring Issue
Nigeria, the “Giant of Africa,” faces persistent challenges stemming from its complex political and economic landscape. Among the numerous issues plaguing the nation, the call for restructuring has remained a point for debate and agitation amongst Nigerians for years. It is paramount to study Nigeria’s restructuring debate and fiasco, examine its systemic weaknesses, the failure of centralised governance, and the implications for development, poverty alleviation, and corruption, notwithstanding, it is often believed that restructuring might remain a far-fetched dream for Nigerians. The governance structure in Nigeria has been under criticism for their ineffectiveness in addressing the country’s challenges over the years. According to Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index, Nigeria consistently ranks poorly, reflecting the deeply rooted nature of corruption that has plagued the country’s institutions since independence. The centralised model of governance, which was inherited from the colonials, continues to enable corruption by concentrating power and resources in the hands of a few, thereby facilitating rent-seeking behaviour and patronage networks.
This centralised governance can be said to be hindering developmental efforts, as decisions made at the federal level often fail to account for the diverse needs and priorities of Nigeria’s heterogeneous population. For instance in 2019, the World Bank estimated that by 2040, Nigeria’s infrastructure deficit would amount to approximately $878 billion, with high to zero similarities between urban and rural areas. The lack of localised decision-making highlights these disparities, leading to neglect of critical infrastructural projects in marginalised communities. Moreover, without restructuring, Nigeria’s centralised governance system will continue to be poverty and hunger-stricken, particularly, in rural areas where access to basic services and economic opportunities are limited. A World Bank report states that Nigeria’s poverty rate stood at 40.1 per cent in 2019, rising to 49 per cent in 2023, with rural areas experiencing higher poverty rates compared to urban centres which have stifled grassroots development initiatives, promoting cycles of poverty and underdevelopment. I have been studying the decentralised system of governance used in countries like the United Kingdom and the United States, which empowers local authorities to address community-specific challenges and allocate resources based on local needs. Similarly, in the US, states have considerable authority over matters such as taxation, law enforcement, security, and infrastructure development, resulting in tailored policy responses that reflect the diverse needs of local communities.
Another obstacle that constantly arouses the need for restructuring is Nigeria’s centralised policing model, which is overseen by the central government. This has remained a subject of considerable critique due to its inefficiencies and susceptibility to political interference. Corroborating this, Dr. Ifeanyi Onyeonoru, , a specialist in governance and security studies, opined that Nigeria’s centralised policing system has contributed to a lack of responsiveness to local security concerns and a failure to effectively combat crime all around the country. Furthermore, statistics from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) reveal that crime rate in Nigeria remains alarmingly high, with constant incidents of robbery, kidnapping, banditry, and cybercrime, persisting across various regions. Many agree that the use of centralised police force hampers efforts to address Nigeria’s security challenges in a timely and localised manner. Agreeing with the above, Onyeonoru notes that this centralised control of the security architecture often leads to bureaucratic red-tape and delayed responses to emerging security threats, further exacerbating feelings of insecurity among citizens.
A policy analyst, Dr. Chukwudi Enekwechi, stressed the detrimental effects of this centralised approach on Nigeria’s road infrastructure. Enekwechi argued that the lack of decentralisation in road maintenance perpetuates disparities in infrastructure quality, with rural areas often bearing the brunt of neglect. This is seen in data from the Federal Road Maintenance Agency (FERMA) further corroborating these irregularities, revealing the effect of centralisation in infrastructure between urban and rural areas.
Enekwechi postulated the urgent need for decentralised decision-making in infrastructure management, stating that it is more viable for local authorities to prioritise projects based on local needs and realities, without relying on the state or federal government.
Nigeria’s tax system and fiscal centralisation represent significant barriers to equitable development and governance. According to data from the World Bank, Nigeria’s tax-to-GDP ratio stands at a mere 6 per cent, significantly lower than the global average of 15 per cent, indicating a shortfall in revenue mobilisation efforts. This tax revenue is further worsened by the country’s reliance on oil revenues, which are susceptible to fluctuations in global oil prices.
Uche Uwaleke, a public affairs analyst, highlights the detrimental effects of Nigeria’s centralised tax system on local governments’ autonomy and capacity for development. He states that while the federal and state governments collect the bulk of taxes, local councils are left with limited revenue sources, often dependent on federal allocations for survival. This centralisation marginalises local governments, depriving them of the resources needed to address critical infrastructure needs, healthcare services, and educational initiatives at the grassroots level.
Moreover, Nigeria’s tax system has been criticised for its complexity and lack of transparency, worsening compliance challenges and hindering revenue generation efforts. According to the Nigeria Economic Summit Group (NESG), the multiplicity of taxes at the federal, state, and local levels, coupled with inconsistent enforcement mechanisms, creates an environment ripe for tax evasion and informal economic activities.
Restructuring Nigeria’s governance framework is of utmost importance in addressing the root causes of fiscal centralisation and to empower local governments by granting it autonomy. Socio-political groups like Afenifere, Ohaneze, and the Middle Belt Forum have been seen clamouring for restructuring, emphasising the need to devolve power to the grassroots level and foster inclusive governance. Infact, in 2014, in a National Conference by the administration of former President Goodluck Jonathan, a platform for dialogue and deliberation on restructuring was provided, resulting in comprehensive recommendations for reform.
Even with the clamour, call and apparent need for restructuring, the actualisation of this dream remained far-fetched as it was met with political resistance, particularly from Northern elites who perceive decentralisation efforts as a threat to their entrenched interests. This can be seen in the defeat of Goodluck Jonathan in the 2015 presidential election, a well-crafted move orchestrated in part by Northern voting blocs, which stressed the challenges of effectuating substantive governance reform in Nigeria. President Muhammadu Buhari’s dismissal of the 2014 National Conference report further reflects the reluctance of the Northern political elite to embrace restructuring, but rather continued disagreements between the North and South make it hard to move forward and create fair rules for everyone.
However, the path to restructuring is laced with political obstacles and interests, highlighting the need for combined efforts to overcome resistance and implement meaningful reform. As Nigeria grapples with issues of corruption, underdevelopment, and political instability, the need for restructuring becomes increasingly urgent.
In essence, the discussion surrounding restructuring reflects Nigeria’s deep-seated political and socio-economic divides, highlighting the complexities important in effective governance reform.
While the road ahead may be filled with challenges, the need for change remains clear. Only through collective action and unwavering commitment to inclusive governance can Nigeria realise its potential as a truly democratic and prosperous nation.
Adeleye, a communication-for-development expert, writes in from London, United Kingdom, via maxwelladeleye@gmail.com
By: Maxwell A. Adeleye
Opinion
Reducing Cost Of Governance: Abia Lawmakers’ Example
In the words of the famous entrepreneur and author, Jason Fried, “What you do is what matters, not what you think or say or plan.” The former Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, Teresa May would always say that, “I am a great believer in action, not words.”
Indeed, action surpasses the impact of mere words. It helps in truly understanding someone’s intention, values and character.
In the current harsh economic situation facing Nigeria, a lot has been heard from the authorities on how they plan to revive the ailing economy, how they intend to cushion the effects of the hardship on the citizens without commensurate actions to show for it.
Many of the leaders and their families are still living large, they run the affairs of the nation on a very high scale, yet they have become experts in appealing to the citizens to be patient with administration that there will be light at the end of the tunnel.
That is why the recent action of the Abia State House of Assembly is most commendable. The lawmakers on Tuesday, March 19 passed a bill to stop the payment of pensions to former governors and their deputies in the state.
It is titled “A Bill (H.A.B 11:) for a Law to Revoke The Abia State Governors and Deputy Governors Pensions Law No 4 of 2001 and for other Matters connected therewith.” The 2001 Pension Law for former governors and deputy governors of the state has provided that a former governor is entitled to 100 per cent of his salary and official vehicles worth N20million to be replaced every four years, a police orderly, two operatives of the Department of State Service, two policemen for the security of his house, as well as allowances for cooks, stewards, driver and gardener, while his deputy will enjoy similar benefits.
The law also made provision for medical attention for the former governors and their deputies; that former governors are entitled to “the sum of money as may from time to time be granted by the state government by way of pensions, allowances and privileges in accordance with this law.”
According to the Speaker, Emmanuel Emeruwa, the bill would reduce the state’s governance expenses and redirect resources toward development.
With this, Abia becomes the latest state to repeal the “scandalous pension” for some ex-governors in Nigeria, if I may borrow the words of the renowned Human rights lawyer, Femi Falana, SAN.
Imo, Kwara, Zamfara States had done the same. Many other states like Akwa Ibom, Rivers, Ekiti, Katsina, Gombe are yet to repeal the life pension law for ex-governors and deputies. All the former governors and their deputies are still milking their states.
In Gombe State, for instance, the Executive Pension Law is said to provide a monthly salary for life to all former governors and deputy governors. An ex-governor is also entitled to a 30-day paid travel expenses annually to any country of his choice alongside his wife, so also the deputy governor and his wife.
They can ask for a befitting house of their choice at any location in the state, or may request that money equivalent to such a house be given to them. A former governor is also entitled to two utility cars, while his deputy is entitled to one car to be replaced periodically. The governor is entitled to an employee on level 12 who will be serving him, also to be paid by the state government.
Both the governor, deputy governor and their wives are entitled to paid medical treatment at home or abroad. The state executive pension law also states that a governor and his deputy serving their second term can pay themselves the housing and gratuity if they have successfully finished one term in office.
All these, because they “served” their states for four years or at most eight years. Meanwhile, workers in some of these states are still being owed many months’ salaries and arrears. Many states are not paying the minimum wage of N30, 000, 00. Civil servants are not being promoted. Retirees are not paid their pensions and gratuities. Many pensioners have slumped and died during verification exercises to enable them collect the paltry sum.
It is on record that not less than 14 former governors secured seats in the current 10th Senate. Six former ministers, some of whom had previously served as state governors are in the Red Chamber. The National Assembly has long become what many describe as the retirement home for governors and deputy governors. Some ex-governors have graduated to become presidents, vice presidents and what have you.
As they are resting there, enjoying the humongous allowances and salaries, after years of siphoning state funds without accountability, they milk the states for life in the form of pension
Little wonder the famous Kenyan Pan-Africanist Advocate, Prof Patrick Lumumba, said that African politicians are a curse to the continent. His words, “The Africa’s politicians are perhaps (with due respect to them), Africa’s curse. The day the African politician realises that the occupation of political office and political space is one of servant leadership, that is the day Africa will begin to move in the right direction.”
With great endowments in human and natural resources, in addition to vast agricultural potentials, the nation should have been Africa’s undisputed economic giant, a dream country where at least the basic needs of the people are adequately catered for. But the ceaseless plunder of the national and state treasuries by public office holders has made living in the land hellish – no food, epileptic power supply, insecurity everywhere, no good roads, no water and all that. The recent removal of fuel subsidy has worsened the situation. Many poor citizens can hardly breathe.
So, it is high time Assembly members in Akwa Ibom, Edo and other states that are yet to abolish payment of gratuity, pension to former governors and their deputies did the needful. As has been pointed out by many, the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria has not provide for life pension for governors. As cited by Falana, the court in Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) v Attorney-General of the Federation, (Suit No. FHC/L/CS/1497/2017 and Alhaji Garba Umar v Taraba State Government (Suit No: NICN/JOS/26/2016, the Federal High Court and the National Industrial Court declared as null and void the payment of pension and gratuity to former governors and deputy governors.
So, why are some states adamant on continuing with the practice? The state lawmakers allowed themselves to be used to make these laws that are against the interest of the states and the generality of the people. They should be courageous and patriotic enough to review these benefits or repeal them altogether as a means to cut down on the cost of governance
If these elected office holders are desirous of enjoying pensions and gratuity like the civil servants, they should be placed on the same salary scale with the civil servants based on their academic qualifications. The act of spending the little resources of the states to better the lives of politicians at the detriment of the state must stop. Leadership must be seen as an opportunity to contribute to the growth and development of one’s state and the nation instead of plunging them into a coma.
Public office holders across the three tiers of government should come down from their high horses and begin to conduct their affairs in accordance with the current economic realities of the country. Now, more than ever before, there is a need to cut down the cost of governance and block all the conduit pipes of wastage that are draining the nation’s economy and put the money into useful ventures.
Most importantly, let actions begin to speak louder than words as it concerns reduction of cost of governance, reviving the nation’s ailing economy and making life better for the citizens.
By: Calista Ezeaku
-
Environment2 days ago
World Water Day And Provision Of Clean Water
-
Rivers2 days ago
Abua/Odual Is Simplified -Board Member
-
Niger Delta1 hour ago
C’River, Ebonyi Govts Resolve Boundary Dispute
-
Sports5 days ago
Spanish Football Federation Faces Corruption Investigation
-
Politics2 days ago
Gov Mutfwang Harps On Tolerance Among Nigerians
-
Nation2 days ago
WTD: Banigo Advocates Good Hygiene
-
News21 mins ago
Nigeria’s 149 Private Varsities Undersubscribed -NUC
-
Business2 days ago
MOWCA Strengthens Maritime Crime Prevention