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Judicial Fraud And Land Grabbing

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About six years ago, my client, a UK-based Nigerian widow, became the target of an audacious scheme orchestrated by a notorious syndicate of land grabbers operating under the guise of a land owning family in Ikeja, Lagos. Their objective was clear: to dispossess her of her rightful ownership of three plots of land situated behind the former Tasty Fried Chicken building on Opebi Road, Ikeja. In a disturbing abuse of judicial process, these individuals approached a Magistrate Court then at Ikeja Local Airport, and by misrepresentation and fraudulent manipulation, secured a writ of possession against my client. It appeared their strategy was anchored on the assumption that the rightful owner was deceased. However, unknown to them, my client was very much alive, she only passed on last year.
Following this fraudulent judgment, the land grabbers, aided by a lawyer with an infamous reputation in the Ikeja axis for such sharp practices, took swift and forceful possession of the land. They began advertising the property to prospective buyers, offering each plot for several millions of naira. Upon being alerted by my client’s tenants, I conducted a search and discovered that the defendants had surreptitiously instituted the action using one of their own as the purported adverse party, who did not contest possession. Realising the magnitude of the fraud, I promptly secured my client’s Certificate of Occupancy and filed an application for joinder and a motion to set aside the judgment, backed by robust documentary evidence and affidavits deposing to the true facts.
The defendants, in a desperate and laughable defence, relied on a purported judgment allegedly delivered in the 1920s, claiming global ownership of lands stretching from Ikeja to Agege. When pressed to produce a survey plan or other definitive means of delineating the land covered by such a judgment, they failed woefully. The supposed plan was neither attached nor frontloaded.Fortunately, the presiding Magistrate, a sharp, fearless, and principled judicial officer saw through the deception and set aside the judgment accordingly.
What followed was a calculated legal standoff. After some days passed, I anticipated that the defendants would file a notice of appeal along with a motion for stay of execution, I acted strategically: by 8:00 a.m. of that day, possession had been recovered, effectively foreclosing their efforts to frustrate justice. They served their notice of appeal and motion for stay by 9:00am as I had anticipated.
Predictably, they resorted to harassment by filing a spurious petition at the Lagos State Police Command, alleging trespass. When that failed, they escalated the matter to the Assistant Inspector General of Police at Zone 2, Onikan. However, following a comprehensive review of all court documents and the title records, the Assistant Commissioner of Police, an officer of commendable integrity, sternly warned the fraudulent parties and their counsel never to return with such frivolous claims. He also threatened legal consequences for presenting forged or misleading documents. Regrettably, such land-grabbing tactics are far from isolated. I am presently handling another similar matter at the High Court of Lagos State, Ikeja Judicial Division. In this case, a property owner based in Jos, who has been in undisturbed possession of his land since before the Nigerian Civil War, was excluded from a suit for possession. The Plaintiffs falsely claimed adverse possession and obtained judgment using a family member as a nominal defendant. This is a land that had been returned to the owner (my client) by the Lagos State Government post-war, after a temporary wartime acquisition.
That matter is ongoing, and we remain confident that justice will again prevail. These cases serve as stark reminders of how certain individuals exploit procedural loopholes, such as substituted service and fictitious defendants, to perpetrate judicial fraud. It is common practice for notices of service to be pasted at the premises at odd hours, quickly photographed, and removed before anyone notices, thereby fabricating compliance with due process. This modus operandi, if not checked, undermines the integrity of our justice system. It may very well explain the plight Mr. Peter Obi’s brother, whose reported dispossession, despite a valid Certificate of Occupancy and long-standing possession, calls for judicial scrutiny and legal redress. While the wheels of justice may turn slowly, they remain capable of grinding exceedingly fine, provided legal practitioners act with diligence, and judicial officers remain vigilant and impartial.
There is a compelling need to amend our procedural rules regarding the use of unnamed or unknown persons as defendants in land litigation. Courts, both at High Court and Magistrate level – should be mandated to conduct locus in quo inspections where defendants are purportedly unknown or where substituted service is claimed. Such reforms will deter fraudulent practices and restore public confidence in the judiciary.In conclusion, let it be reaffirmed: the Nigerian legal system, though imperfect, is still a formidable instrument for the protection of property rights when wielded with integrity, precision, and tenacity.
Ubani, is a legal practitioner and public affairs analyst, Legal Advisor of Assemblies of God, Nigeria.

By: Monday Onyekachi Ubani

 

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Opinion

Why Not Ban Alcohol Sachets?

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As the National Agency for Food and Drug Administration and Control (NAFDAC), contemplates banning the production, distribution and consumption of sachet alcoholic beverages across Nigeria, the move has raised mixed reactions among Nigerians and interest groups. According to NAFDAC the proliferation of sachet alcoholic beverages has been linked to abusive usage resulting in increased health complications, and drunk driving that causes road accidents. The Federal Road Safety Commission (FRSC) corroborates some of NAFDAC’s claims. FRSC records show that the 10,617 road accidents recorded in 2023 were due mostly to over speeding and drunk driving.
It is noteworthy that the availability of alcohol in less than 200ml PET bottles and in sachets, makes alcohol quickly consumable even during work hours. Without standardised packaging and regulatory labelling compliances, most of these sachet products are unregistered, come with questionable contents and form the bulk of illicit alcohol. Though lesser in volume, their high alcohol concentrations makes them highly intoxicating. Their ready availability at motor-parks, increase over-indulgence by commercial drivers, most of whom thereafter mount the wheels on low mental alertness.
Alcohol is known to reduce mental acuity and consciousness of the mind. Endowing its addicts with elixir feelings that momentarily blur reality, the alcohol effect additionally boosts self-rating and confidence, placing addicts on realms of happy possibilities where almost every dream is attainable, even if unrealistically. By the time the effect wanes addicts are known to be sad to face stark reality, which is why most are prone to retaking repeated doses to shoot themselves back to the fantasy world. Such fantasy is also the reason many youths and adults would rather invest daily in game-betting gambles than invest in micro innovations that guarantee real economic advancements.
The dawn of neo-medicinal alcohol being marketed in sachets as herbal remedies for organ cleansing, aphrodisiacs, anti- malarial and diabetes cures, is drawing increasing patronage from gullible Nigerians, even as these claims remain medically questionable. Following the rising patronage, all shades of manufacturing quackery are currently cashing-out from the market. Because of the harmful health effects of quack products, it is no wonder that sicknesses relating to organ-damage and male impotency are on the increase. Apart from drunk-driving and the health risks posed by over-indulgence in alcohols, the precious time wasted by addicts in unproductive day-dreams, which should have been deployed to meaningful economic ventures, is also a concern. In times of economic difficulties, as presently facing many Nigerians, there is need for mental clarity to enable one articulate ways out of hardships.
These outcomes may have informed NAFDAC’s decision to pursue banning easily consumable volumes of alcohol. If the ban becomes successful, those who like alcoholic drinks would still enjoy them by taking bigger packs which are low in concentration. Bigger bottles are likely to be consumed at leisure times after work due to their sizes. At that point, most consumers must have spent a productive day, yet have time to enjoy some booze. NAFDAC’s decision to ban unhealthy, anti-productive alcohol packs should therefore be encouraged. It is however, unfortunate that even as NAFDAC had set a long-term goal to achieve the ban, from as far back as 2018, through the then Minister of Health, Prof. Isaac Folorunsho Adewole, and had engaged manufacturers on a five-year phase-out plan, the ban has failed to materialise. This is despite the signing of a five-year moratorium document between the Distillers and Blenders Association of Nigeria (DIBAN) and the Association of Food and Beverage & Tobacco Employers (AFBTE) on one hand, and the Ministry of Health, NAFDAC and the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Commission (ECCPC), on the other.
Recall that same year, the minister had out-rightly banned over-the counter use of codeine syrups following a BBC documentary on the consequences of its abusive use in Nigeria. NAFDAC’s inability to check the indiscriminate use of sachet alcohol years after the expiration of the signed moratorium highlights how vested interests may stifle good institutional objectives. It becomes worrisome when the pressure on NAFDAC to shelve the ban on harmful alcohol is coming through a hallowed institution, like the House of Representatives. NAFDAC had swiftly introduced the ban on February 1, 2024 after the expiration of the five-year moratorium. But no sooner had the House come upon it to lift the ban. At the moment, the ban stands temporarily lifted till December 2025 even as lobbies intensify.
For the house to claim that “the ban was ill-timed because of the current economic conditions, staggering unemployment, soaring inflation and high rate of poverty,” it raises many questions about the rationale of members of the house, considering the correlation between alcohol addiction and the inability to exit poverty. Members of the legislature should be from the finest minds who go for the sublime. Why would members of the House choose to endorse a situation that is currently ensnaring many into addiction and anti-social behaviours, than safeguard societal sanity? Even as members of the house argue that sachet alcohol sales is sustaining some micro businesses, the anti-social behaviour and health risks engendered by such sales out-weigh any derivable economic benefits.
Opponents of the ban who support the house may also argue that the ban targets low-income earners who patronise sachet products due to affordability, and may further point out that substitutes of other herbal/alcoholic concoctions being marketed as health remedies are available through unregulated markets. Bowing to such arguments would mean that NAFDAC should choose a defeatist position, wherein it has been overwhelmed at discharging its core mandate of safeguarding the health of the nation. As NAFDAC mediates through legislative challenges and lobby groups, members of the executive should bear on the assembly to allow the institution pursue its core goals. Not doing so would be to build a nation of drunkards, where lunatics roam the streets.

By: Joseph Nwankwor

 

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Opinion

Why Reduce Cut-Off Mark for C.O.E ?

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Quote:”Although the idea of lowering the cut-off to below the pass mark of 200 does not sit well with many Nigerians. 35.5% in any examination anywhere in the world is a fail. And no candidate that scores below 200 should ideally be considered for admission into any tertiary institution in the country.”
Recently, the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB) and the tertiary education stakeholders approved 150 as the benchmark for admission into universities and 100 for polytechnics and colleges of education for the 2025/2026 academic session. They, However, clarified that no tertiary institutions should admit students who score below the approved scores, but institutions can still fix higher cut-off marks for their applicants. This has remained the pattern over the years. Higher scores are required to go into universities while applicants with lower scores are welcomed in colleges of education and polytechnics. And the question is, why?  At first glance, the disparity in the entry requirements into universities and colleges of education may appear to be a flexible, inclusive approach to higher education access. However, a deeper look reveals that pegging the college of education cut-off mark so low is not only problematic but a threat to the quality of education and the dignity of the teaching profession in Nigeria.
By setting the minimum entry score for Colleges of Education at just 100 out of 400, the message being sent is loud and clear: teaching is not a profession that demands excellence. It is a profession for the “Olodos” This undermines every effort claimed to be made by the government and stakeholders to reposition teaching as a noble, intellectual, and competitive career. The same country that wants to raise the standard of education cannot afford to lower the standard for training those who will educate future generations. Colleges of Education are responsible for preparing teachers for Nigeria’s basic education sector. These are the people who will teach children in their formative years—the foundation of any nation’s future. If we continue to accept candidates with very low academic abilities into these institutions, how can we expect them to produce competent, inspiring, and innovative educators?
Accepting candidates who score as low as 25% on the UTME is a recipe for mediocrity. It sends a message that anyone can be a teacher, regardless of their intellectual preparation. This will not only dilute the quality of teachers but worsen the already low public perception of the profession. There are many students with strong academic credentials who are genuinely passionate about becoming educators. Setting the cut-off at 100 trivializes their efforts and sacrifices. It lumps them together with individuals who may not have the intellectual or emotional readiness for teaching, leading to overcrowded classrooms, underwhelming graduates, and frustrated employers.While universities are expected to maintain a cut-off mark of 150, colleges of education are effectively reduced to a dumping ground for low-performing candidates. This dichotomy creates a sense of inequality and inferiority around education colleges, when in fact, the reverse should be the case.
If anything, those training to shape young minds should meet standards equal to or higher than university students, not lower.The effects of this policy may not be immediately visible, but in the long run, they will be devastating. We are likely to see: a further decline in basic education outcomes. Someone joked that as the cut-off mark keeps dwindling every academic year, by 2030, the cut-off for the universities will be 100 and that of colleges of education and polytechnics reduced to 70 or 50. Who is fooling who?The chances of having more poorly trained teachers entering the public school system is inevitable. An irritated teacher recently lamented how the public schools are flooded with so-called teachers who do not know their left from their right, compelling the old teachers to do the job of teaching and training them.The low entry requirements to colleges of education can lead to higher attrition rates in the teaching profession due to unprepared candidates; diminished respect and remuneration for teachers; greater educational inequality between rural and urban areas and lots more.
It is therefore advised that rather than lowering standards, those in-charge of the education should raise entry requirements for Colleges of Education to at least 140 or 150 to align with university expectations. Although the idea of lowering the cut-off to below the pass mark of 200 does not sit well with many Nigerians. 35.5% in any examination anywhere in the world is a fail. And no candidate that scores below 200 should ideally be considered for admission into any tertiary institution in the country. As earlier stated, our colleges of education are now painfully places for poor grade students. That should be concerning to those in authority and stakeholders in the education sector. And this can only be corrected when our leaders pay adequate attention to our colleges of education. There should be improved funding and facilities in these institutions to attract top-tier candidates.
Incentives such as scholarships, housing, or job security should be provided for those who perform well and commit to teaching. Some corporate organisations have done this over the years and one thinks it is high time both federal, state and local government areas get visibly and sincerely involved. All over the world, teaching is regarded as a noble and professional career and the case shouldn’t be different in Nigeria. If we are truly serious about fixing Nigeria’s education system, we must start by fixing how we train our teachers. Lowering the cut-off mark to 100 for Colleges of Education is a step backward and a stain on our national conscience. We must demand excellence from those who will one day stand before our children—not just in words, but in policy. After all, the quality of education in any nation will never rise above the quality of its teachers.
The reason usually adduced for lowering the cut-off mark is candidates’ poor performance at entrance exams. And one wonders how lowering the bar will lead to higher performance. How will that challenge students to harder? One thinks it high time those in-charge of the education sector, parents, and teachers think of solving the problems bedeviling the sector from the root instead of the usual method of treating the symptom rather than the disease. There is an urgent need to prioritize the welfare and quality of teachers if we must expect better results. It is also important that the authorities look into the speculations that the lower cut-off is a ploy by some universities to get maximum payment for Post UTME, knowing that no candidate with less than 200 will be given admission into any department in the institutions. This kind of extortion should not be allowed to continue.
What is even the reason for double entrance examinations for a single admission. If UTME is no longer enough to earn admission into higher institutions in Nigeria then JAMB should be scrapped and higher institutions given the authority to conduct their own entrance examinations.On the other hand, if JAMB is still found worthy of conducting credible entrance examinations into tertiary institutions in the country, then we should do away with post UTME examinations. Our education sector must be sanitized for us to get the best, desired result
Calista Ezeaku
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Opinion

Welcome! Worthy Future For R/S

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Quote:”The June accord is not the end of the crisis. It is the beginning of responsibility.To Fubara: Lead with humility, but do not abandon your authority. To Wike: Let your legacy be one of vision, not vengeance. To the Assembly: Return to your true employers—the people. To President Tinubu: Guard this peace not just with federal might, but moral clarity.”
After months of bitter power tussle between Governor Siminalayi Fubara and his estranged political godfather, Chief Nyesom Wike, months ago, Rivers has finally arrived at a moment that feels like the return of peace. Actually it should be the duty of all stakeholders to see that the peace so brokered between ‘father and son’ is sustained. Just two years ago, this conflict was unthinkable. Fubara, a career technocrat and former Accountant-General, was Wike’s trusted protégé handpicked and handed the reins of power after the 2023 elections. The baton was passed with confidence, perhaps even affection. The State House of Assembly dominated by Wike’s loyalists—moved to impeach him. Nine commissioners resigned. Government House fell eerily silent. Port Harcourt became a city of whispers.
What began as a brotherhood became brinkmanship. And by March 2025, it had spiraled so far that President Bola Tinubu was forced to impose emergency rule, suspending democratic processes and appointing an  administrator to restore order. On June 26, in a closed-door meeting at Aso Rock, Wike and Fubara shook hands under the watchful eyes of President Tinubu. Also present were lawmakers, party leaders, and peacemakers from across the federation. “No more acrimony,” Wike declared. “I will do everything within my power to sustain peace,” Fubara assured. For the people, this truce comes as a welcome relief but not without skepticism.“Peace is good, but we’ve heard this story before,” some said “Let them not sign peace in Abuja and bring trouble back to Port Harcourt.”The memory of the failed December 2023 accord still stings—a deal that promised healing but delivered deeper wounds. This time, the public wants more than promises. They want accountability.
“This is not just a political dispute it is  a leadership crisis that nearly destroyed the democratic soul of Rivers,” says Dr. Felix Chidiebere, a political scientist at the University of Port Harcourt. “Peace now must go beyond handshakes. It must show up in policy, in projects, in people’s lives.”Trust in the Assembly to legislate not legislate loyalty. Trust in the governor to govern with fairness, not fear. Trust in Wike to mentor, not manipulate. And above all, trust in the system to protect democracy. In the months of uncertainty, Rivers lost more than political direction it lost momentum.School roofs remain caved in. Youth empowerment programs are paused. Civil servants fear late salaries. Health centers sit idle. Foreign investors hover with hesitation.
Meanwhile, power brokers jostled for influence while ordinary lives were pushed to the margins. And yet, through it all, the people endured. They endured because they believed Rivers could be more than oil. More than politics. More than pain.
What the state needs at the moment is reconciliation, not revenge. The work ahead is not for politicians alone. Civil society, religious leaders, youth groups, and traditional rulers must now rise—not to pick sides, but to build bridges. There must be structure to this peace: community dialogue, legislative reform, perhaps even a truth and reconciliation commission. Peace, after all, is not a gift. It is a discipline. It must be protected, nourished, and enforced. As the National Youth Council of Nigeria rightly put it: “We want peace, but not at the cost of our constitution
The June accord is not the end of the crisis. It is the beginning of responsibility.To Fubara: Lead with humility, but do not abandon your authority. To Wike: Let your legacy be one of vision, not vengeance. To the Assembly: Return to your true employers—the people. To President Tinubu: Guard this peace not just with federal might, but moral clarity. Peace is the return of salaries. Peace is the sound of classrooms reopening. Peace is a contractor’s tools coming back to life. Peace is a young girl in Eleme daring to dream of becoming governor one day. Rivers doesn’t need perfect leaders. It needs present ones. Honest ones. Human ones.The ink has dried. The cameras are gone. Now begins the harder work—not of declaring peace, but of delivering it. Because in Rivers State, peace must not only be signed. It must be sustained. Yes, peace has come to stay. In my sincere thinking, I can put the current peace deal in the state as ‘No victor , no vanquish’…
 King Onunwor
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