Opinion
Dimensions To Nigeria’s Food Crisis
Going by statements credited to Nigeria’s Vice President, Senator Kashim Shettima, that “some people are working to undermine the efforts of the President Bola Tinubu administration”, especially with regard to the rapidly rising costs of food items across the country, one begins to worry if the trend of economic difficulties that began since 2015, will ever be reversed, or at least be halted. 2015 was the year the All Progressives Congress party took over governance in Nigeria, led by former President Muhammadu Buhari.According to national media reports, Vice President Shettima had used the opportunity at a conference on Public Wealth Management which held in Abuja, to reveal the discovery of “32 illegal routes,” in Illela Local Government Area (LGA) of Sokoto state, through which smugglers freight commodities out of the country. The VP also disclosed that “45 trucks loaded with maize were intercepted while making their way to neighbouring countries at midnight on Sunday.”
While the discovery of 32 smuggling routes in one Local Government Area, (LGA) of Sokoto state alone is startling, it is disheartening to realise that the state has five other border LGAs where similar things happen – Gudu, Tangaza, Gada, Sabon Birni and Isa – and worse still, considering that apart from Sokoto, states like Kebbi, Zamfara, Katsina, Jigawa, Yobe and Borno all lie along Nigeria’s porous 1,608km border with Niger. The interception of 45 trucks in just a night in one LGA, makes unimaginable the enormity of the number of truckloads of food items leaving this country daily.The unpatriotic priority of supplying Niger Republic, even at the risk of smuggling across terrorist-infested borders, against pressing domestic demands, is another reason for concern, and puts to scrutiny the efficiency and patriotism of our border control personnel towards implementing extant government policies. How long has this been going on, or was it a recent development?
Or was it the result of calculated distraction from political antagonists to frustrate the present administration, as the VP tried to paint it? His picture looks appealing when correlated with the recent spike in the price of cement, especially. But how come it was the vice president who stole the show of making the revelation public, instead of the intercepting agencies? It is expected that the federal agencies whose duty it is to secure borders should have been proud to parade and announce such achievements to showcase the essence of their establishment. And from Mr Vice President, who went short of naming the culprits, but rather alluded to “knowing the consequences of revealing the masquerade”, many would have preferred he damned those consequences by revealing particulars, otherwise many are tempted to perceive him as merely propagandising facts in the face of a national crisis.
However, while pondering the above worries, it would be worthwhile to review the changing political and economic landscapes inside and outside Nigeria since 2015, to find out factors that might have been at play. Hitherto, Nigeria had enjoyed free, cross-border movements of goods and persons with Cameroon, Chad and with its Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) neighbours up until May 2015, when President Muhammadu Buhari came to power. These movements supported transverse trades up to Mali, Burkina Faso, Central African Republic and as far as Lybia. By July of 2015 the Buhari’s administration, poised to enforce home-grown production, had imposed cross-border restrictions, a situation that became more stringent following the COVID-19 pandemic lock-downs of 2020.
On the other hand, nationalist uprising in eastern Cameroon from 2016 culminated to the 2019 Ambazonian separatist movement that ever since, pitched the ‘amba boys’ in gorilla warfare with Cameroonian authorities. Buhari’s government corresponded with Cameroon to tighten border restrictions on both sides. For every step of restriction, commodity prices responded in increase, both in Nigeria and across the borders, increasing the inducement for smuggling, no thanks to porous borders and the usual “pay and pass” atmosphere. Border bribes get higher with restrictions, reflecting on costs as goods flow across. Nigeria, being a huge source of farm products, and for a long time a source of subsidised petroleum products, fed scarcities that intensified many miles off its borders. Accompanying and aiding smuggling was heightened islamists influx into Nigeria from the Sahel.
Greater numbers of maraudering Islamist gangs from Mali, Niger, Chad and the Central African Republic, acting either criminally on their own, or on brotherhood solidarities in the ethno-religious, farmers-herders or political conflicts in Nigeria, attack and plunder agricultural settlements. It has degenerated to current general insecurity, spate of kidnappings, and rapidly rising food prices. The spread of inflation across border was aided by the coup of August 18, 2020 in Mali, to which ECOWAS responded with economic sanctions. Mali with no direct border with Nigeria, has short connections through south-western Niger Republic. The overall game changer dawned since February 24, 2022 with Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, followed by October last year’s out-break of Israel vs Hamas war in the Middle East. Ever since, global supply chains of grains, energy and raw materials have remained disrupted, shooting up everything from transportation costs to the value of foreign currencies.
Subsidy removal shocks on Nigeria’s poor transportation infrastructure, a sector daily threatened by insecurity, meant it was becoming more expensive to businesses in the north, compared to shorter cross-border routes which, in addition present prospects of higher gains. This becomes more obvious considering that the distance from Gboko in Benue to Bamenda in Cameroon is 443.7 Km, while from same Gboko to Lagos it is 795.9 Km, and 538.5 Km to Port Harcourt. Yola in Adamawa to Touruo in Cameroon is 229.5 Km, but it is 879.1 Km to Calabar and a staggering 1,327.4 Km to Lagos. Meanwhile, Illela in Sokoto can be crossed on bike or donkey into Birnin Konni, 5Km into Niger Republic, while the distance from Kano to Maradi in Niger is 268.2 Km, Kano to Abuja, 432 Km, and 992.2 Km to Lagos. Birnin Kebbi in Nigeria is 395.6 Km to Niger’s capital, Niamey, while being 658.4 Km off Nigeria’s, Abuja. In fact, smugglers utilise shorter segments, like in case of Illela to Konni, for higher round-trips.
According to reports, the amount of cross-border trades currently going-on across the Niger border is to the tune of N13 billion weekly, on items ranging from kusus, local flour, onions, tomatoes, pepper, potatoes, millet, maize, rice, jewelries to livestock, from which Nigeria losses revenues. The juntas in Niamey and Bamako, for all their militantness and recent pull-out from ECOWAS, let the illicit trades thrive. All these put together, it is easy to figure out the underlying factors to Nigeria’s economic woes, and to relate patterns with insecurity – Nigeria’s very porous borders have become more attractive in the face of rising haulage costs, as much as agro-production outputs are declining due to insecurity.The situation therefore calls for drastic measures to curb insecurity, transportation costs and smuggling, while massively investing in production. Even if it takes the tactics of ancient cities whose domains had to be walled-off with fortifications to achieve internal control and protection.
Yes, the flux across Nigeria’s 1,608 Km porous border with Niger Republic can, and should be checked with perimeter fortifications punctuated with approved access stations, and manned with surveillance technologies. Nigeria should also do same along its 809 Km border with Benin Republic and the 1,975 Km with Cameroon. With security concerns now gulping over N3.2 trillion in the 2024 national budget, a trillion Naira out of that bulk would fortify more than one flank of the borders to give our security personnel, beset by attack-and-withdrawal terrorists, a better chance at ending insecurity, and the border agencies, no excuses in discharging duties.
Joseph Nwankwo
Opinion
The Rantings Of Rivers ALGON
For the first time in the last eight years , one can observe a moribund and toothless, Association of Local Government of Nigeria, Rivers State Chapter trying to lull the people of Rivers State in believing that it exists, that it is versed and abreast with the provisions of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended), knowledgeable about subsisting judicial pronouncements on the Local government administration matters by courts of competent jurisdiction, and it has workers and. the people’s welfare at heart.
These wrong impressions can be deduced from the text of the Press Conference delivered by the Association last week.
Despite the window dressing and cosmetic posture that the Association of Local Government of Nigeria, Rivers Sttate chapter wants to impress on the people and residents of Rivers State, it is crystal clear that workers at the Third Tier of Government have not fared well in the last eight years of the repressive and workers unfriendly immediate past administration in the State.
While workers at the State were fortunate to have a controversial minimum wage paid to them, local Government workers did not benefit from the N30,000 Minimum Wage which became a legal instrument about six years until March 2024, following a directive by the Executive Governor, Sir Siminalayi Fubara, to Local Government chairmen in the State to immediately implement the minimum wage, wage award and promote workers.
Where was.the Legal Adviser of the Association of Local Government of Nigeria, whose statutory responsibility it was to advise the former Rivers State. Governor that it is an affront on the sensibilities of workers and fragrant.breach of extant law to not pay minimum wage to workers at.the 23 Local Government councils.
Civil servants at the State and Local Government councils were not promoted and did not benefit from the annual incremental credit for about ten years. The incremental credit is a paltry and very insignificant amount compared to the inputs of workers to drive implementation of government policies and programmes and what elective office holders take home within the comparable period.
I had expected a “concerned and workers-friendly ‘ Association of Local Government in the State to midwife the promotion of workers, implementation of Minimum wage and fulfill their statutory obligations to the workers and the people at the local government areas whose resources they hold in trust and on whose behest they are in power.
It therefore beats my imagination that Local Government Chairmen of ALGON, who are products of the ballot and not appointees of the former governor lost their “Executive” status and played the second fiddle role. Even when there was unconfirmed tampering of local government funds, they could not protest or raise an eye brow.
How the people who were cowardly and timid before the former administration in the State suddenly cultivated and imbibed the effrontry and temerity to hold a Press Conference attempting to disparage the performing and conscientious Sir Siminalayi Fubara-led administration leaves much to be desired and a bad taste in the mouth of all patriotic and truthful Rivers people.
I expected the self serving chairmen under the aegis of the Association of Local Government of Nigeria to brace up to the challenges of seeming derecognition and denial of their right of expression as elected chairmen by the former administration in the State.
While the ALGON has the legitimacy to contest violation of, or infringement on their interests, such protest should not be seen as selective. Between 1999 and 2003, the Association of Local Government of.Nigeria in Rivers State was vociferous and so alive to its onus that they rejected allocations that did not reflect the true figures of what the local government councils deserved from the Joint Account Allocation Committee (JAAC). That was when ALGON was keen and committed to the essence of its formation. That was a real workers-friendly ALGON.
However, with the advent of crude and uncivilised godfatherism that circumvented real democratic processes for manipulative and coercive selection that ultimately produced unpopular candidates of the godfather, chairmen were reduced to puppets, playing subservient roles for their benefactors instead of protecting the interest and welfare of workers and the people of their local government areas, who they ought to represent.
Having therefore failed to speak up for workers and defend the welfare of the people of their local government areas, at a time they were oppressed, the association in my candid opinion does not have the moral justification to cry fowl against the present administration in Rivers State whose policies and programmes so far, reveal that the governor understands that the legitimacy of his administration is derived from the people, so he is accountable to them by putting in place infrastructure that will give fresh breath to a people who are recuperating from the suffocation of repressive and coercive governance.
Sir Siminalayi Fubara is today a messiah to workers in Rivers State. Local government. workers are .being paid minimum wage, promoted and duly placed at their appropriate levels after 10 years of no promotion.
Civil servants in the State are sure of receiving their pensions immediately after retirement from service which was a marked. departure from previous administration.
Rather than vilifying or demonising the present administration in the State, the Association of Local Government of.Nigeria, Rivers State should thank the Governor, Sir Siminalayi Fubara, for doing in less than one year what their grand master could not do for them and workers in eight years.
Remember, everyone will stand in the court of history and posterity to account for their actions and inactions in office.
Igbiki Benibo
Opinion
Kidnapping: Need For Govt To Address The Monster
Kidnapping, a heinous crime, cannot be condoned in any circumstances. The situation in Nigeria, characterised by various security challenges, including the presence of militant groups and criminal organisations, requires a multifaceted approach to address its root causes.
A report by the Beacon Security and Intelligence Limited, a security risk management and intelligence company based in Abuja, stated that at least 2,583 people were killed and 2,164 kidnapped in the first quarter of this year.
The record carries the number of killings and abductions across the country from January to March, indicating that 80 percent of the killings and 94 percent of the abductions occurred in the Northern part of Nigeria.
This report, however, varied with the position by the National Security Adviser (NSA), Nuhu Ribadu, who said that the casualty figures were going down, the consulting firm’s report showed that an average of 28 persons were killed and 24 kidnapped.
The Nigerian government, through the Minister of Defence, Muhammad Badaru Abubakar, during the maiden edition of the annual lecture series organised by the Nigerian Army Resource Centre in Abuja, said the security situation was under control.
The casualty figures in zones, according to the data from the Beacon Security and Intelligence Limited, revealed that out of the people killed during the period, 793 were from the North-West, 681 from the North-East and 596 from the North-Central. The casualties were recorded from bandits’ attacks, farmers/herders’ conflicts and communal clashes.
The South-West recorded 194 killings, the South-South, 161 people; and South-East, 158. The five states with the highest number of killings were Borno, 517; Benue, 313; Katsina, 252; Zamfara, 212 and Kaduna, 206. The data showed that out of the 2,164 persons abducted within the period, 1,297 were kidnapped in the North-West, 421 in the North-East, 330 in the North-Central, 30 in the South-West, 66 in the South-South and 20 in the South-East.
Kaduna State recorded the highest number of abductees with 546; Zamfara, 447; Borno, 340; Katsina, 252 and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), 102. Experts hope that the present government under President Bola Tinubu will do the needful.
Firstly, addressing the socioeconomic factors that contribute to kidnapping is crucial. High unemployment rates, poverty, and lack of economic opportunities push individuals towards criminal activities. Investing in education, job creation programmes, and infrastructure development can help alleviate these issues and provide alternatives to crime.
Secondly, strengthening law enforcement and judicial systems is essential. Improving police training, equipping them with necessary resources, and enhancing collaboration between security agencies can help in apprehending criminals and ensuring justice for victims. Additionally, enhancing the efficiency of the judicial process and holding perpetrators accountable through swift and fair trials can deter future criminal activities.
Furthermore, enhancing intelligence gathering and surveillance capabilities can help in preempting kidnapping attempts and dismantling criminal networks. Cooperation between government agencies, intelligence services, and international partners can facilitate information sharing and coordination in combating organised crime.
Moreover, addressing corruption within the government and security forces is imperative. Corruption undermines efforts to combat crime by facilitating criminal activities and eroding public trust in institutions. Implementing anti-corruption measures, promoting transparency, and holding corrupt officials accountable can help in restoring trust and integrity within the system.
Community engagement and empowerment play a vital role in preventing kidnapping and other crimes. Building strong community relationships, fostering trust between residents and law enforcement agencies, and promoting community-based initiatives can help in identifying and addressing security threats at the grassroots level.
Finally, kidnapping in Nigeria is a complex issue that requires a comprehensive and coordinated approach. Addressing socioeconomic factors, strengthening law enforcement and judicial systems, enhancing intelligence capabilities, combating corruption, engaging communities, and promoting international cooperation are all crucial components in combating kidnapping and improving security in the country. However, it is important to remember that any strategy must prioritise human rights, the rule of law, and the protection of innocent lives.
Badamasi Junaidu
Junaidu writes from Abubakar Tatari Ali Polytechnic, Bauchi.
Opinion
Local Government As Agent Of Nation Building
Development is regarded as sequential changes or growths that occur in a society or country over time. It remains a product of good governance, which mostly lies in the hands of those at the helm of affairs at a particular time and process that led to the emergence of such leaders.
The local government is universally found in contemporary societies, both in the developed and developing countries. It is a vital political institution, such that modern politics and administration revolves around it. Today, most countries across the globe have adopted democratic system of government, being the government of the people, by the people and for the people. In these countries, governance is centered on three tiers with constitutional backing to aid rapid development. A country like Nigeria has three tiers of government, Federal, State and Local Governments. Each tier has constitutional roles, aimed at complementing each other. The mother of them, that is, the Federal Government, plays significant roles in nation building, and this is one of the reasons why citizens always look unto the presidency and participate actively during presidential elections conducted by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).
It is an established fact that citizens also perform their civic responsibilities as expected during the governorship elections, while there is a lot of apathy during the chairmanship and councillorship elections, forgetting that without a solid foundation, the longevity of structure or building is in doubt.
Citizens’ nonchalant attitude to the process that produces public administrators at the grassroots is quite alarming, and this usually results into having the wrong peg in the right hole.
Findings revealed that voter apathy associated with local government council elections was due to non-performance of some previous elected administrators, lack of security of lives or property and lack of trust in States Independent Electoral Commission (SIECs). Others include introduction of caretaker committees to man the affairs of the councils, do-or-die approach of political soldiers to the council’s polls, interest of the incumbent governors, choice of political godfathers, influence of respected monarchs and many more. The local government is a tier of government that provides essential services to the public, such as health and safety, transportation, sanitation, environmental, and utilities.
Also, it is the tier of government that ensures grading of rural roads, management of basic schools, local markets, among others. Public administrators play a crucial role in the delivery of these services and the management of local government organisations. Some time ago, the governor of Akwa Ibom State, Pastor Umo Eno, at the swearing-in ceremony of chairmen and vice chairmen of Nsit Ibom and Urue–Offong / Oruka Local Governments, compelled chairmen of the local government councils in the state to reside within their areas of jurisdiction for effective delivery on their mandate and development of rural areas.
Also, the ongoing campaign or demand for financial autonomy for local government by relevant stakeholders in the country further attests to how important this tier of government is in building a prosperous and self-sustained nation.
This development led to the conduct of local government council election in the 33 local government council areas of the state in 2021 by the current leadership of the Oyo State Independent Electoral Commission (OYSIEC), headed by a Senior Advocate of Nigeria, Aare Isiaka Abiola Olagunju. About 30 percent of registered voters took part in the election, a result that further attest to the long-time nonchalant attitude of citizens and residents to local government council elections. According to records, the feat attained by the commission in terms of voter turnout was the highest in recent times.
No doubt, democracy provides opportunity for people to choose their leaders and enables citizens to make their opinions known to those in power, enjoy good governance and interface with the authorities, especially those at the grassroots.
Adegoke writes in from Ibadan, Oyo State.
By: Adedamola Adegoke
-
Nation4 days ago
138.9m Nigerians Need Interventions Against Tropical Diseases -WHO
-
Rivers2 days ago
Don Urges Fubara To Be People-Oriented In Governance
-
Featured2 days ago
We Inherited Huge Debt -Fubara …As Gov Otti Inaugurates Aleto-Ogale-Ebubu-Eteo Road Project
-
News4 days ago
Tinubu Salutes Justice Odili On Birthday
-
Rivers4 days ago
RSU Student Wins N10m, Car In Reality TV Show
-
Politics2 days ago
Plan To Marry Off Orphans: FG Sues Niger Speaker
-
News4 days ago
COAS Orders Investigation Into State Of Army Detention Facilities
-
Business2 days ago
PoS Operators Take CAC To Court