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 Nigeria Rotten Under Buhari?

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3 years ago

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Truth often comes from the most unlikely places, and when it comes it is as refreshing as a glass of cold water in very hot weather. A fortnight, or so ago, the standard bearer of the All Progressives Congress, in the forth coming 2023 Presidential Elections, Bola Armed Tinubu, gave his verdict on the stewardship of his party in the last seven years. His language was so refreshing because, unlike other times, he did not sugarcoat the current state of the country under Buhari. He was blunt, just the way our elders in our villages are; and he refused to equivocate when he said: “Nigeria is rotten under President Buhari.” His verdict was in stark opposition to the drivel of the likes of Festus Kyamo, when he tried to score cheap political points by suggesting that the Peoples Democratic Party has an undismantled pipeline for corruption.

It was a case of the kettle calling the pot black. Interestingly, he doubles as the Minister of State for Labour, as well as the Spokesperson for the Tinubu Campaign Organisation. I believe that Nigerians are eager to hear his spin on the verdict of the Asiwaju on the Buhari administration, of which he is a cabinet member. Among the Ijaw people of Southern Nigeria, there is a common saying that the fish begins to rot from the head. By extension, Senator Tinubu has indicted no less than President Buhari himself.  He has frontally accused him of running a rotten government. Of course, there is no gainsaying the fact that the fruit tells of what variety of tree it has come from. A rotten tree will definitely produce rotten fruits; in our case corruption, insecurity, injustices, lies, rank nepotism, and the like.

Incidentally, the tree called Buhari’s administration was planted by no other than Senator Bola Armed Tinubu himself, and he has told everyone who wants to listen. In fact, in the period leading to the primary elections, when it seemed like there was a gang up against his presidential ambition, his trump card was his role in President Buhari’s emergence as flag bearer in 2014. He reminded nay-sayers that he single-handedly brought Buhari out of retirement and made him president. The former governor of Lagos State cannot extricate himself from the baggage of the bad product he sold to Nigerians in 2015. He must carry the barge of one who sells rotten, or expired products.

Ordinarily, if Buhari were to be a material product in the Nigerian market, the Standard Organisation of Nigeria (SON) would have arrested Tinubu and his co-travellers since 2019. On another level, his statement tells us everything we need to know, so as not to cast our vote for the APC, and for him in particular, come 2023. Around the world, we have seen how heads of government and global CEOs stood out and led from the front against a barrage of global headwinds. These leaders have confirmed the words of the foremost leadership expert of our time, John C. Maxwell, when he observed that everything rises and falls on leadership. A recent case in point is the war in Ukraine, where a President, a former comedian has risen to the occasion in defence of his people.

For instance, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy of Ukraine has been able to stand up to his Russian counterpart, Vladimir Putin; a former KGB agent who has been in the presidential saddle for more than two decades. He has been able to rally his people to fight for their motherland; he is only 44 years old. But President Buhari, a retired general has been fiddling for seven years, while the country burns. Meanwhile, the amount of money spent so far on security, and the provisions in the 2023 appropriation bill show how inept, incapable, and corrupt Tinubu’s expiring product has become.  The rottenness in Buhari’s government has expanded what we have now come to know as ungoverned spaces in the North. Earlier on in his administration, he prided himself as one who dislodged Boko Haram, from every territory. But that was all a lie. Residents of Maiduguri know the terrorists live with them and do business with them, and the government is also aware.

The rottenness in the military championed by Buhari, has given Boko Haram new siblings. It was under this government that banditry was redefined. Instead of going about their criminal enterprise, bandits now acquire surface-to-air missiles with the capacity to bring down jets.  Under this rotten administration, the security architecture of the South East was completely undermined, giving birth to the unknown gunmen phenomenon. In the past seven years so many innocent Nigerians have met their untimely death in the hands of these faceless men of the underworld. As curious as Tinubu’s assertion may be, it is nothing new. It is even suspicious of him to be making such statements concerning Buhari at the twilight of his administration. For most Nigerian voters, the Jagaban of Bugu was only playing to the gallery.

The smell of political and administrative rottenness cannot effectively be removed by parting oneself in the back as Buhari did a few days ago. At this point, the challenging question on the minds of most Nigerians of all stripes and political affiliations is, “what is the degree, and where is the epicentre of the rottenness?”  But we also know the answer, that the country is very rotten in every sector, starting from the gates of Aso Rock. Recall that one of President Buhari’s cardinal policy thrusts was fighting corruption, but seven years later,  instead of improving on the global corruption index, Nigerian has continued to decline. Some cases of corruption under Buhari are nothing but mind bugling. Like the claim that hundreds of millions of naira was spent on school feeding programme, during the COVID-19 pandemic, whereas schools were closed, and children were at home. Or, consider the dirty fuel saga that some billions of Naira were used to clean up; no one has been held accountable to date. Or should we challenge President Buhari on his position regarding the petrol subsidy in 2014?  How he asserted that the whole subsidy regime was a scam, and how much he has spent on subsidies in the past seven years.

In fact, in the cases of subsidy, the former Emir of Kano, and former Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, Sanusi Lamido, in a recent event at Kaduna questioned if Nigerians were drinking the fuel. He challenged NNPCL’s consumption projection. Sadly, if the 2023 Appropriation Bill is passed as proposed by Buhari’s government, it means that fuel subsidies will gulp a whopping N3.6 million which  is equivalent to about 20 per cent of next year’s budget. Bear in mind that Buhari has been the Minister for Petroleum Resources since 2015 Before Tinubu’s recenter outburst, if I may use that word, many others within the ruling APC have voiced the same concern. In an interview on Radio France International in April, a member of the Police Service Commission, Mrs Najatu Muhammed, blasted the President for pardoning two former governors, Joshua Dariye, and Jolly Nyame of Plateau State and Taraba State respectively. Mrs Muhammed interpreted it as representing a systematic failure in the country. she lamented that the rot in Plateau State’s education, health, and infrastructure may have been caused by looting by Dariye.

She then went further to accuse the President, saying: “the president does only what serves his interest or that of his lieutenants at the detriment of public interest. Buhari was elected to fight corruption,  sadly, he is now the person committing this atrocity. Buhari has proved that he is untrustworthy and unreliable. Buhari has failed all the promises he made to the nation, especially the northerners who lost their lives and property because of him. He has not fulfilled a single promise he made. Buhari’s administration is the most corrupt government ever in the history of Nigeria. The level of stealing is unprecedented. Everybody commits crimes with impunity.” In conclusion, Tinubu should hold his peace, or come up with other sweet nothings with the hope that Nigerians are still gullible. Nigerians are living in the midst of the rottenness under Buhari; and they also know that he, Tunubu, was the chief architect of  Buhari’s second coming.

By: Raphael Pepple

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Opinion

Curbing Youth Unemployment In Nigeria

Published

1 week ago

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March 30, 2026

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Quote: “A nation that fails to empower its youth risks mortgaging its future.”
Youth, generally defined as individuals between the ages of 15 and 35, represent a critical phase of human development—a transition from adolescence to adulthood marked by ambition, energy, and the pursuit of purpose. In Nigeria, this demographic constitutes a significant proportion of the population, making it one of the country’s greatest assets. However, this strength is increasingly undermined by a persistent and troubling challenge: youth unemployment.
Unemployment, the condition of being without gainful employment despite the willingness and ability to work, remains a major global concern. In Nigeria, however, it has reached alarming levels, particularly among young people. With estimates suggesting that a substantial percentage of Nigerian youth are either unemployed or underemployed, the consequences have become deeply embedded in the nation’s social and economic fabric.
The impact of youth unemployment is both widespread and severe. Economically, it leads to increased poverty levels and reduced productivity. Socially, it fuels frustration, hopelessness, and disillusionment among young people. This often manifests in rising rates of crime, cyber fraud, substance abuse, and involvement in political violence. When young people are unable to find legitimate means of livelihood, they may become vulnerable to negative influences, posing a threat not only to themselves but to society at large.
One of the primary drivers of youth unemployment in Nigeria is the inadequacy of the educational system. While many young Nigerians graduate from tertiary institutions each year, a significant number lack the practical and technical skills required in today’s job market. The disconnect between academic curricula and industry demands leaves graduates ill-prepared for employment, thereby widening the gap between education and employability.
Furthermore, Nigeria’s heavy dependence on the oil sector has contributed significantly to the unemployment crisis. Over the years, this reliance has led to the neglect of other critical sectors such as agriculture, manufacturing, and technology—sectors that have the potential to generate large-scale employment. The failure to diversify the economy has limited job opportunities and stifled innovation, leaving many young people without viable career paths.
In addition, rapid population growth continues to put immense pressure on the labor market. Each year, thousands of graduates enter the workforce, but the number of available jobs remains insufficient to absorb them. This imbalance creates intense competition for limited opportunities, leaving many qualified individuals unemployed for extended periods.
Access to finance also remains a major barrier for young Nigerians who wish to venture into entrepreneurship. Despite the creativity and entrepreneurial spirit that many youths possess, the lack of access to credit facilities, mentorship, and business support systems makes it difficult for them to establish and sustain their own enterprises. This challenge is further compounded by infrastructural deficits, such as unreliable power supply and limited access to technology.
Security challenges across various parts of the country have also worsened the situation. In some regions, economic hardship and lack of opportunities have made young people susceptible to recruitment into violent or extremist activities. This not only exacerbates insecurity but also diverts the energy of the youth away from productive engagement.
Addressing youth unemployment in Nigeria requires a comprehensive and collaborative approach. The government must take the lead by implementing policies that promote economic diversification, particularly by investing in agriculture, manufacturing, and the digital economy. These sectors hold immense potential for job creation and can absorb a large portion of the unemployed youth population.
Equally important is the reform of the educational system to emphasize skill acquisition, vocational training, and entrepreneurship. Schools and institutions must align their curricula with market needs, ensuring that graduates are equipped with relevant and practical skills. Public-private partnerships can play a vital role in facilitating internships, apprenticeships, and job placement programs.
The private sector also has a crucial role to play in driving job creation and innovation. By investing in youth-focused initiatives and supporting startups, businesses can help unlock the potential of young Nigerians. Additionally, financial institutions should develop more accessible and youth-friendly credit schemes to support small and medium-sized enterprises.
On an individual level, young people must embrace self-development, adaptability, and continuous learning. In an increasingly competitive and evolving global economy, acquiring digital skills, engaging in vocational training, and exploring entrepreneurial opportunities can significantly improve employability.
In conclusion, youth unemployment remains one of the most pressing challenges facing Nigeria today. However, it is not an insurmountable problem. With deliberate policies, strategic investments, and collective action from government, the private sector, and individuals, Nigeria can transform its youth population into a powerful engine of growth and development. By empowering young people with opportunities, skills, and resources, the nation can secure a more prosperous and stable future.
IVARA Favour Isaac is a student of Pan-African Institute of Management and Technology.
By:  Ivara Favour Isaac
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Opinion

Ozoro Festival: Tradition or Tyranny?

Published

1 week ago

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March 30, 2026

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Quote:“These images are not merely disturbing; they represent a direct assault on human dignity, bodily autonomy, and the rule of law.”
In recent days, national attention has turned to the small community of Ozoro in Delta State, where what was once described as a cultural fertility rite—the Alue-Do Festival—has become the subject of outrage, grief, and urgent national reflection. According to accounts from notable indigenes of Ozoro and the Isoko ethnic group, the festival was originally conceived as a symbolic ritual intended to bless couples struggling with conception. In theory, it was meant to celebrate life, continuity, and communal identity. However, what reportedly unfolded on March 22 bore no resemblance to any noble cultural ideal. Videos circulating widely on social media show groups of men chasing women, forcibly stripping them, and subjecting them to sexual assault in public spaces. These images are not merely disturbing; they represent a direct assault on human dignity, bodily autonomy, and the rule of law.
They compel us to confront a difficult but necessary question: when does tradition cease to be culture and become tyranny? It is encouraging that prominent voices—including the First Lady, the Minister of Women Affairs, human rights organisations, and women’s advocacy groups—have condemned these barbaric acts. The Delta State Government has since banned the Alue-Do Festival, while law enforcement authorities have reportedly made arrests. Yet beyond the immediate outrage lies a deeper and more uncomfortable conversation—one that communities across the country must confront honestly: the thin line between culture and abuse. “Culture is not static—it evolves, or at least, it should.” Culture is often described as the soul of a people, encompassing traditions, beliefs, and practices passed down through generations. Nigeria is richly endowed with diverse cultural heritage, much of which we rightly celebrate.
 However, when culture becomes a shield for harmful practices, it loses its moral authority. When actions that violate fundamental human rights are justified in the name of tradition, we must ask: whose culture is this, and at what cost? The events in Ozoro illustrate how a practice that may once have held symbolic meaning can devolve into something deeply harmful. Even if the Alue-Do Festival began as a benign fertility rite, its present manifestation—marked by violence and coercion—cannot be defended. “Culture must align with dignity, consent, and respect—anything less is not tradition, but abuse.” One of the most persistent arguments in defence of controversial practices is that they are “part of our heritage” and therefore beyond criticism. Yet harmful practices—child marriage, inhumane widowhood rites, and domestic abuse—have long been justified using this same reasoning. This argument is not only flawed; it is dangerous. No culture is above scrutiny, particularly when it endangers the rights and safety of its people.
History reminds us that many practices once considered “normal” are now widely condemned. Societies progress by questioning and reforming such practices—not by clinging to them. Nigeria is not exempt from this reality. As a nation governed by law and constitutional principles, we cannot afford to tolerate practices that undermine the rights of citizens—especially women. At the heart of the Ozoro incident lies a broader societal issue: the perception of women as objects rather than autonomous individuals. The actions of the perpetrators were not isolated—they were enabled by a mindset that sees women’s bodies as accessible, controllable, and, in some contexts, communal property. “Women are not possessions, prizes, or objects of exploitation—they are individuals with rights, agency, and dignity.” This mindset reflects a deeper systemic problem often described as “rape culture,” visible in victim-blaming narratives, the dismissal of harassment, and the silence that frequently surrounds abuse.
 For meaningful change to occur, this mindset must be confronted directly. Parents, religious institutions, government agencies, and the media all have critical roles to play in reshaping societal attitudes. Traditional institutions also wield significant influence, particularly in rural communities. With that influence comes responsibility—not only to preserve culture but to ensure that cultural practices align with contemporary standards of human rights and decency.The reported denial by the Ovie of Ozoro Kingdom of knowledge of the recent festival raises important questions about oversight and accountability. Community leaders and members alike must rise to their responsibilities. Cultural practices are sustained by collective acceptance. Silence, indifference, or complicity only perpetuate harm. While cultural reform is essential, it must be accompanied by accountability. The arrests made in connection with the incident are a step in the right direction, but they must lead to tangible outcomes. “Justice must not only be done—it must be seen to be done.”
 Allowing perpetrators of sexual violence to go unpunished sends a dangerous message—that such actions are tolerable. This fosters a culture of impunity. The law must be clear and unequivocal: sexual assault, in any form and under any guise, is a crime. It is not a cultural expression—it is a violation.It must be emphasised that calling for the abandonment of harmful cultural practices is not an attack on tradition, but a call to refine it.  Culture, at its best, is dynamic—it adapts while preserving its core values.“Tradition should uplift, not oppress.” Modernising culture does not mean erasing identity. It means ensuring that traditions remain relevant, inclusive, and respectful of human dignity. As Nigeria continues to evolve, it must decide what kind of society it aspires to be: one that hides behind tradition to justify abuse, or one that embraces progress while honouring its heritage responsibly. The outrage over the events in Ozoro is justified—but outrage alone is not enough
. It must translate into action: legal, cultural, and educational. We must state, without ambiguity, that no tradition justifies the violation of human dignity. We must hold perpetrators accountable and challenge the attitudes that enable such acts. True development is measured not only by infrastructure or economic growth, but by how a society treats its most vulnerable members. “If a cultural practice dehumanises, degrades, or endangers, it has no place in a modern society.” Where tradition fails to uphold dignity, it ceases to be culture. It becomes tyranny.
By: Calista Ezeaku
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Opinion

Bazia  EXCO @ One: NUJ Rivers Reawakened

Published

2 weeks ago

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March 23, 2026

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Quote: “For the first time in years, Rivers journalists are not just hearing promises—they are seeing a union that works.”
The first year in office of the Paul Bazia-led executive of the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ), has offered something many had almost given up on—renewed confidence in union leadership. For a body as critical as the NUJ, whose responsibility goes beyond professional coordination to include the welfare, protection, and continuous development of journalists, expectations are always high. Unfortunately, past experiences had conditioned many members to expect less—less action, less visibility, and less impact.This is why the past twelve months stand out. Within a relatively short period, the Bazia-led administration has demonstrated a level of drive that distinguishes it from its predecessors. There is a noticeable shift from inertia to activity, from routine administration to purposeful leadership. Initiatives captured in the one-year report point to an executive that understands both the urgency of its mandate and the frustrations of its members.
Particularly commendable is the renewed attention to journalists’  welfare. For too long, welfare issues have lingered without meaningful resolution, leaving many practitioners feeling unsupported. The current leadership’s efforts—through engagement, structured support, and timely interventions—signal a welcome change in priorities. Equally important is the push toward professional development. In an era where journalism is rapidly evolving, capacity building is no longer optional. The administration’s commitment to training and skill enhancement reflects an understanding that a stronger union must be built on more competent and competitive professionals. There is also something to be said about visibility and voice. A vibrant NUJ must not only serve its members internally but also stand as a credible voice in the public space—defending press freedom, promoting ethical standards, and constructively engaging critical issues.
Encouragingly, the current executive appears more present and responsive, giving the union a renewed sense of relevance. Perhaps what resonates most, however, is the sense of movement. For many members, the difference between the present and the immediate past is not subtle—it is clear. Where there was once stagnation, there is now direction. Where there was doubt, there is growing belief. Beyond the visible strides recorded within this first year, what perhaps deserves even greater applause is the restoration of institutional confidence within the Nigeria Union of Journalists. For a long time, many members had grown disenchanted, viewing the union more as a ceremonial body than an active force capable of defending their interests and advancing their welfare. That narrative, however, is gradually changing. The Bazia-led executive has not only initiated programs but has also rekindled a sense of belonging among members.
 Meetings appear more purposeful, engagements more intentional, and decisions more reflective of collective interest. This psychological shift—subtle as it may seem—is one of the most critical achievements of the past year, because a union that its members believe in is already halfway to effectiveness. It is also important to underscore the contrast with the immediate past, not as an exercise in criticism, but as a necessary context for measuring progress. Where previous administrations struggled to translate plans into action, the current leadership has shown a greater bias for execution. Projects that once lingered in discussion stages are now seeing tangible movement, and issues that were previously deferred are receiving attention. This difference in approach—moving from prolonged deliberation to decisive action—has helped reposition the union as a more responsive and relevant institution.
While no administration is without its shortcomings, the willingness to act, even in the face of constraints, marks a significant departure from what members were accustomed to. Looking ahead, the expectations of members—and indeed the wider public—will only grow stronger. With a solid first year behind it, the Bazia-led executive now carries the burden of consistency. Members will expect deeper welfare interventions that go beyond immediate relief to more sustainable support systems. They will look for expanded training opportunities that prepare journalists for the rapidly changing media landscape. They will also expect a firmer, more courageous voice on issues affecting press freedom and professional integrity. Above all, they will demand continuity—assurance that the progress recorded so far is not a fleeting phase but the beginning of a sustained transformation.
Meeting these expectations will not be easy, but it is precisely this challenge that defines enduring leadership. That said, this moment of applause must also serve as a moment of reflection. A strong first year inevitably raises expectations. Journalists in Rivers State will now look beyond initial achievements toward consolidation. Welfare interventions must become more structured and far-reaching. Training programs must be sustained and expanded. Advocacy must become more consistent and impactful. Most importantly, the unity of the union must be strengthened, ensuring that all members feel included and carried along. Transparency will also be key. Continued open communication about finances, decisions, and challenges will deepen trust and set a standard for accountable union leadership. The task ahead is clear: to convert early momentum into lasting institutional progress.
For the Bazia-led executive, the opportunity is significant. It has, within one year, reawakened belief in what the NUJ Rivers State Council can be. The next step is to ensure that this renewed energy does not fade, but instead becomes the foundation of a stronger, more responsive, and more respected union. For the members, the message is equally clear—expect more, demand more, and support what works because in the end, a vibrant union is not built by leadership alone, but by a collective commitment to progress. And for now, under Bazia, that progress has truly begun.
By: Sylvia ThankGod-Amadi
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