Opinion
Niger Coup: Learning From History
Niger Republic, said to be one of the world’s poorest countries since gaining independence in 1960 from France, on Wednesday July 26, 2023, experienced a political upheaval in what appears to be a revolution masterminded and spearheaded by the Putschists. Consequently, the democracy and all relevant institutions of that country were sacked. The head of the Government, President Mohammed Bazoum was overthrown in a palace coup and placed under arrest. Inevitably, a military administration, struggling for recognition and legitimacy, headed by General Abdourahmane Tehiani, who is the head of the Presidential Guard of Niger Republic since 2011 appeared on State television to declare himself “president of the National Council for the Safeguard of the Homeland,” General Tehiani presented the coup as a response to “the degradation of the security situation” linked to Jihadist bloodshed. The Putschists, who are facing international condemnation for overthrowing a constitutional Government and a democratically elected president, has warned of the dire consequences that would ensue if there would be external military intervention. The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) is already contemplating a military action if the directive to release the ousted President was ignored by the junta.
As expected, already Niger’s former colonial master, France has unequivocally demanded that the ousted President Bazoum’s democratically elected government be restored. It called Bazoum the “sole president”, thus not recognising the military Government of General Tehiani. For their part, regional West African leaders, under the aegis of the ECOWAS, met in Abuja, the Nigerian Capital on Sunday, July 30, to take a position on the incursion of the military in Niger’s democracy. ECOWAS gave the junta a seven-day ultimatum to release, and reinstate Bazoum or face offensive reactions. While recognising Bazoum as the legitimate president of Niger, ECOWAS imposed land and border closures, suspended commercial flights between Niger and ECOWAS member states, froze account and assets and stopped supply of energy to Niger. According to the president of the Commission, Omar Touray, Chief of Defence Staff of member states will strategise on effective ways to implement a possible military operation “to restore constitutional order. Such measures may include the use of force”.
Recall that before the extra-ordinary meeting of leaders of ECOWAS member states, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of Nigeria, who is also the Chairman of ECOWAS, in a tersely worded speech said: ECOWAS and the international community would do everything to defend democracy and ensure democratic governance continued to take firm root in the region. However, if reports on the social media are anything to go by, three ECOWAS member states, on Monday July 31, “opted out of sanctions imposed on Niger Republic, describing the sanctions as ‘inhuman and immoral”.
The three member countries, according to the report are: Guinea, Burkina Faso and Mali.The European Union described the coup as, “a serious attack on stability and democracy” and threatened to sanction or stop giving aid to Niger Republic. Germany and the United States are also vehemently opposed to the coup. But coups d’etat (bloody or bloodless) are not new in developing countries, including Africans’.
For instance, Nigeria, the acclaimed giant of Africa had experienced six coups d’etat since it became a Republic. The coups are: January 15, 1966 Kaduna Nzeogu-led coup that toppled the first civilian Government; July 29, 1966 counter coup, that brought General Yakubu Gowon to power; July 29, 1975 that midwifed the emergence of Murtala Muhammad; February 13, 1976 bloody coup that brought in General Olusegun Obasanjo; December 31, 1983, that paved way for General Muhammadu Buhari following the overthrow of Shehu Shagari’s Second Republic administration; the August 27, 1985 coup that brought in General Ibrahim Babangida; August 26, 1993 that ushered into leadership General Sani Abacha, and in 1998, General Abdulsallami Abubarkar emerged as a result of the death of General Abacha. However, Nigeria has experienced four attempted coups. Sadly, prosecutors of the coups d’etat have more often than not advanced insecurity, corruption, bad governance, rigidity and gross incompetence as reasons for their coups.
My worry is that coup is becoming a regular phenomenon because it seems to be the only alternative to remove bad and corrupt government from power including military administration who are also proven to be corrupt and inept. The democratic processes of electing political office holders is so fraught with corruption and malpractices that to remove an inordinately ambitious incumbent president or governor is like forcing a camel through the needle’s eye. That is why in several African countries, the electoral processes are circumvented to perpetuate an unpopular and a failed administration. Though military administrations are not constitutional, thus not fashionable anywhere in the world, because of the abuse of human rights with impunity, it seems to give a flicker of relief and respite to a suffering masses. It also serves as a check to the excesses of democratically elected administrations because the legislature whose oversight responsibility is to curb the excesses of the Executive arm of Government seems to be compromised. The Media whose Statutory duty is also to make Government accountable to the people are either caught in the web of corrupt society or gagged by media-unfriendly Governments through obnoxious and anti-press laws.
Without saying a new thing, the major problem of African countries is leadership. Once leadership challenge is fixed, African countries, including Nigeria will be on the fastest lane of development in all sectors. African and world leaders should strengthen democratic values through good governance in developing democracies, instead of intentionally perpetuating inept and callous administration. History repeats itself because people do not want to learn from the ugly past. The aim of the study of past events is to enable us to guard against a reinvent of the sad past, and improve for the future. By now democratically elected African leaders should have learnt from history how to guard against the intervention of military in civil rule by carrying out their constitutional obligations of security of lives and property putting in place policies that will enhance the welfare of the people. The legitimacy of any Government is a function of the people’s mandate. So, no Government exists by itself and for itself. It exists for the people, holding the resources of the people in trust as steward.
But the fulfilment of such constitutional duties is in most cases a far cry. Many African countries are faced with incidents of insecurity, poverty and corruption. And these are the indices of a country on the brink of failure. Rather than advocating the continuity of an ineffective and failed constitutional or democratic administration that cannot be sacked through a democratic process, African and world leaders should prevail on civil or elected officers without substance, clear and realistic economic policies, adequate security architecture and institutions, to protect lives and property, to live up to their constitutional duties. If political leaders perform creditably to justify the public confidence and demand of their offices, they will make civil rule “less attractive” to the military. Change of Government (democratically elected or military) is the incentive the masses get from end of bad governance. The panacea to coup is for head of Government to show competence and citizens-friendly in policy formulation.
By: Igbiki Benibo
Opinion
Restoring Order, Delivering Good Governance
The political atmosphere in Rivers State has been anything but calm in 2025. Yet, a rare moment of unity was witnessed on Saturday, June 28, when Governor Siminalayi Fubara and Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike, appeared side by side at the funeral of Elder Temple Omezurike Onuoha, Wike’s late uncle. What could have passed for a routine condolence visit evolved into a significant political statement—a symbolic show of reconciliation in a state bruised by deep political strife.
The funeral, attended by dignitaries from across the nation, was more than a moment of shared grief. It became the public reflection of a private peace accord reached earlier at the Presidential Villa in Abuja. There, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu brought together Governor Fubara, Minister Wike, the suspended Speaker of the Rivers State House of Assembly, Martin Amaewhule, and other lawmakers to chart a new path forward.
For Rivers people, that truce is a beacon of hope. But they are not content with photo opportunities and promises. What they demand now is the immediate lifting of the state of emergency declared in March 2025, and the unconditional reinstatement of Governor Fubara, Deputy Governor Dr. Ngozi Odu, and all suspended lawmakers. They insist on the restoration of their democratic mandate.
President Tinubu’s decision to suspend the entire structure of Rivers State’s elected leadership and appoint a sole administrator was a drastic response to a deepening political crisis. While it may have prevented a complete breakdown in governance, it also robbed the people of their voice. That silence must now end.
The administrator, retired naval chief Ibok-Ette Ibas, has managed a caretaker role. But Rivers State cannot thrive under unelected stewardship. Democracy must return—not partially, not symbolically, but fully. President Tinubu has to ensure that the people’s will, expressed through the ballot, is restored in word and deed.
Governor Fubara, who will complete his six-month suspension by September, was elected to serve the people of Rivers, not to be sidelined by political intrigues. His return should not be ceremonial. It should come with the full powers and authority vested in him by the constitution and the mandate of Rivers citizens.
The people’s frustration is understandable. At the heart of the political crisis was a power tussle between loyalists of Fubara and those of Wike. Institutions, particularly the State House of Assembly, became battlegrounds. Attempts were made to impeach Fubara. The situation deteriorated into a full-blown crisis, and governance was nearly brought to its knees.
But the tide must now turn. With the Senate’s approval of a record ?1.485 trillion budget for Rivers State for 2025, a new opportunity has emerged. This budget is not just a fiscal document—it is a blueprint for transformation, allocating ?1.077 trillion for capital projects alone. Yet, without the governor’s reinstatement, its execution remains in doubt.
It is Governor Fubara, and only him, who possesses the people’s mandate to execute this ambitious budget. It is time for him to return to duty with vigor, responsibility, and a renewed sense of urgency. The people expect delivery—on roads, hospitals, schools, and job creation.
Rivers civil servants, recovering from neglect and under appreciation, should also continue to be a top priority. Fubara should continue to ensure timely payment of salaries, address pension issues, and create a more effective, motivated public workforce. This is how governance becomes real in people’s lives.
The “Rivers First” mantra with which Fubara campaigned is now being tested. That slogan should become policy. It must inform every appointment, every contract, every budget decision, and every reform. It must reflect the needs and aspirations of the ordinary Rivers person—not political patrons or vested interests.
Beyond infrastructure and administration, political healing is essential. Governor Fubara and Minister Wike must go beyond temporary peace. They should actively unite their camps and followers to form one strong political family. The future of Rivers cannot be built on division.
Political appointments, both at the Federal and State levels, must reflect a spirit of fairness, tolerance, and inclusivity. The days of political vendettas and exclusive lists must end. Every ethnic group, every gender, and every generation must feel included in the new Rivers project.
Rivers is too diverse to be governed by one faction. Lasting peace can only be built on concessions, maturity, and equity. The people are watching to see if the peace deal will lead to deeper understanding or simply paper over cracks in an already fragile political arrangement.
Wike, now a national figure as Minister of the FCT, has a responsibility to rise above the local fray and support the development of Rivers State. His influence should bring federal attention and investment to the state, not political interference or division.
Likewise, Fubara should lead with restraint, humility, and a focus on service delivery. His return should not be marked by revenge or political purges but by inclusive leadership that welcomes even former adversaries into the process of rebuilding the state.
“The people are no longer interested in power struggles. They want light in their streets, drugs in their hospitals, teachers in their classrooms, and jobs for their children. The politics of ego and entitlement have to give way to governance with purpose.
The appearance of both leaders at the funeral was a glimpse of what unity could look like. That moment should now evolve into a movement-one that prioritizes Rivers State over every personal ambition. Let it be the beginning of true reconciliation and progress.
As September draws near, the Federal government should act decisively to end the state of emergency and reinstate all suspended officials. Rivers State must return to constitutional order and normal democratic processes. This is the minimum requirement of good governance.
The crisis in Rivers has dragged on for too long. The truce is a step forward, but much more is needed. Reinstating Governor Fubara, implementing the ?1.485 trillion budget, and uniting political factions are now the urgent tasks ahead. Rivers people have suffered enough. It is time to restore leadership, rebuild trust, and finally put Rivers first.
By: Amieyeofori Ibim
Amieyeofori Ibim is former Editor of The Tide Newspapers, political analyst and public affairs commentator
Opinion
Checking Herdsmen Rampage
Do the Fulani herdsmen have an expansionists agenda, like their progenitor, Uthman Dan Fodio? Why are they everywhere even the remotest part of other areas in Nigeria harassing, maiming, raping and killing the owners of the land?”
In a swift reaction, The Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP) decried and strongly condemned the invasion by suspected Fulani herdsmen.
In his denunciation, MOSOP President Fegalo Nsuke described the incident as very unfortunate and deeply troubling, warning against a recurrence of the violence experienced in Benue State. “The killing of yesterday is bad and very unfortunate. We are getting preliminary information about how the herders gained access to the farmland, and it appears some hoodlums may be collecting money and granting access illegally.”
He called on the Hausa community in Rivers State to intervene swiftly to prevent further attacks.
“We want the Hausa community in Rivers State to take urgent action to ensure these issues are resolved”.
But will such appeal and requests end the violent disposition of the Fulani herdsmen? It is not saying something new that the escalating threat and breach of peace across the country by the Fulani herdsmen or those suspected to be Fulani herdsmen, leaves much to be desired in a country that is bedevilled by multi-dimensional challenges and hydra-headed problems.
Some upland Local Government Areas of Rivers State, such as Etche, Omuma, Emohua, Ikwerre, Oyigbo, Abua, Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni, have severally recounted their ordeals, as herdsmen invaded farmlands, destroyed crops, raped female farmers and killed protestant residents.
Again the wanton destruction of lives and properties which no doubt has overwhelmed the Nigerian Police, makes the clamour for State Police, indispensable. The National Assembly should consider the amendment of the Constitution to allow States to have their Statutory policing agencies.
Opinion
Is Nigeria Democratic Nation?
As insurgency has risen to an all time high in the country were killings has now grown to be a normal daily activity in some part of the nation it may not be safe to say that Nigeria still practices democracy.
Several massacres coming from the Boko Haram and the herdsmen amongst all other insurgencies which have led to the destruction of homes and killing, burning of communities especially in the northern part of the country. All these put together are result of the ethnic battles that are fought between the tribes of Nigeria and this can be witnessed in Benue State where herders and farmers have been in constant clashes for ages. They have experienced nothing but casualties and unrest.
In the month of June 13-14, the Yelwata attack at the Guma Local Government Area by suspected gunmen or herdsmen who stormed the houses of innocent IDPs (Internally Displaced Persons) claiming the lives of families, both adults and children estimated to be 200 victims. They were all burnt alive by these unknown gunmen.
This has been recorded as one of the deadliest insurgencies that had happened in recent years. Some security personnel that were trying to fight the unknown gunmen also lost their lives.
Prior to the Yelewata attack, two days before the happening, similar conflict took place in Makurdi on June 11, 2025. 25 people were killed in the State. Even in Plateau State and the Southern Kaduna an attack also took place in the month of June.
All other states that make up the Middle Belt have been experiencing the farmers/herders clash for years now and it has persisted up till recent times, claiming lives of families and children, homes and lands, escalating in 2025 with coordinated assaults.
Various authorities and other villagers who fled for safety also blamed the herdsmen in the State for the attack that happened in Yelwata community.
Ehebha God’stime is an Intern with The Tide.
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