Opinion
The Riddle Of The “And”

It is now more than a month since the 2023 presidential election.
The election has been won and lost, and the certificate of return has been given to the winner, Bola Armed Tinubu of the All Progressives Congress (APC). The date of inauguration of the new government has already been fixed for May 29, 2023, in line with the nation’s evolving democratic tradition. In preparation for this epoch- making event, the victor of February 25, 2023, jetted off to France for a well deserved rest after spending time in the political trench. It won’t be out of place to also assume that Nigeria’s president- elect spent the time to drink deep from the fountain of wisdom in order to lead the largest black nation on earth, with its numerous ethnic groups, gapping religious and tribal fault lines, and intractable security situation.
The pulse of the nation indicates an uneasy calm, but it is certain, at least from the utterances of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) flag bearer, Atiku Abubarkar, and his Labour Party counterpart, Peter Obi, that there won’t be any major protest in the likes of the 2020 #EndSARS protest that brought the nation to its knees. Nevertheless, the unusual calm is a prelude to imminent legal fireworks, the likes the nation has never witnessed before. Already, the first runner up, Atiku Abubarkar of the PDP, and third place Peter Obi of the Labour Party have set the stage by filing their petitions at the presidential elections tribunal sitting in Abuja.The petition of the Labour Party and its candidate has five prayers; however, the second prayer is of particular interest in this discuss, and it reads as follows: “That it be determined that the 2nd Respondent having failed to score one-quarter of the votes cast at the Presidential election in the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja, was not entitled to be declared and returned as the winner of the Presidential election held on 25th February 2023.”
It is clear that the impetus for this second prayer derives from Section 134(2) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended), and particularly sub-paragraph (b) which provides that: “ A candidate for an election to the office of the President shall be deemed to have been duly elected where, there being more than two candidates for the election – (a) he has the highest number of votes cast at the election; and (b) he has not less than one-quarter of the votes cast at the election in each of at least two-thirds of all the States in the Federation and the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja.”It is very surprising, but in any case, very interesting that the conjunction ‘and’ has been at the centre of the argument even before the President -elect was announced. In a very funny way, the ‘and’ puzzle reminds me of the case of the blind men and the elephant. For one, the animal was a long tail, for another it was a tux, yet for another, it was a very large ear, and so on. However, the elephant in this case is the constitution, and there are no blind men, rather learned men who go by the highly exalted title: Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN) – and they are poised to put multifarious explanations to flight.
The law has no emotions, but we can be rest assured that the legal luminaries on both sides of the isle are set to make the elephant dance. But before the real fireworks begin, some of the renowned legal minds of our time are already thrilling anxious Nigerians with their own interpretation of Section 134(2) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended), particularly sub-paragraph (b) which is the bone of contention. Most of them have been on TV and other platforms recently to help unlearned men like me make sense of the import of the conjunction ‘and’ as it is used in this particular statement: “he has not less than one-quarter of the votes cast at the election in each of at least two-thirds of all the States in the Federation and the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja.”In their argument regarding this portion of the constitution, there is a point of convergence; however, there is also a sticky point of departure where the mathematics of the Constitution pitched them in diametrically opposed positions.
They are all in agreement, that Section 299(1) of the Constitution, which provides that the provisions of the Constitution shall apply to the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), as if it were one of the States of the Federation, with the implication that even though the FCT is not a state in the real sense, it is regarded as the 37th state.
For instance, Femi Falana, SAN, argues that by the combined effect of Sections 134 and 299 of the Constitution, a candidate shall be deemed to have won the Presidential election if he scores the highest number of lawful votes cast at the election, and 25% of lawful votes in 37 States or 36 States plus the FCT – stating that it is not compulsory, for a Presidential candidate to win the FCT. In fact, he went further to state that the FCT, is not the Electoral College of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. In support of this position, Professor Taiwo Osipitan, SAN, inferring from myriad legal precedence averred that that the FCT is part of the two-third spread contemplated in Section 134 of the 1999 Constitution.
With the intent that a candidate who has the highest number of votes and satisfies the 25% spread in not less than two-thirds of the States including FCT, is entitled to be declared the winner of the election, irrespective of the percentage of votes scored in the total votes cast in FCT.
Interestingly, and in line with the position that it is not compulsory for a presidential candidate to Win 25% of the votes at the FCT, Aikhunegbe Anthony Malik, SAN, argued that those who are offering an alternative interpretation of Section 132 (2) of the constitution to the effect that acquiring 25% of votes in the FCT is a compulsory requirement to be declared winner seem to overlook the essence, or significance of the conjunctive word ‘and’ employed therein. According to him, whenever the word ‘and’ is employed in law, “it denotes a conjunctive, and never a disjunctive meaning.”
Unfortunately, the above arguments are not caste and dry, because legal heavy weights like the former President of the Nigerian Bar Association, Dr. Olisa Agbakogba, SAN and Chief Mike Ozekhome CON, SAN, contend that, for a candidate to be declared winner of the presidential election it is imperative that he or she must acquire at least 25% of the votes cast in the FCT.
In his argument, Dr. Agbakogba opined that the literal interpretation of this section of the constitution is that a candidate must secure 25% of votes cast in 2/3rd of the entire 36 States of Nigeria and 1/4th (25%) of votes cast in FCT. According to him, the provision is clear, direct and unambiguous, such that you don’t need a Professor of Constitutional Law to comprehend.
He further maintained that the use of the word “and” had been held by the Supreme Court to be conjunctive, which implies that the conditions in Section 134(2)(b) are conjunctive and mandatory. Therein lay the riddle, because, Aikhunegbe Anthony Malik, SAN supported his argument with the conjunctive use of ‘and’ when employed in the constitution, as opposed to being disjunctive, but he arrived at a different conclusion. Similarly, even though Section 299 of the constitution formed a critical part of both arguments (which states that the FCT is to be treated as a State in Nigeria), Dr. Agbakogba posits that it is a general provision that has no bearing on Section 134. Hence, he concludes therefore that A general provision cannot override a specific provision – implying that since Section 134(2)(b) is a specific provision on the conditions for declaration of a candidate and the presidential winner at the polls, with the result of the general elections as published by INEC, the contest is still open, as none of the candidates has satisfied the legal threshold in Section 134.
Lastly, Chief Ozekhome has also asserted that by a judicial mathematical analysis, 2/3 of 36 States is equal to 24 States, and in addition, the FCT, Abuja. To buttress his position, he gave this analogy: “if I request to see 24 Corpers in my law firm And Okon, it means I want to see 25 persons in all; but Okon must be one of the 25 persons. So, if 25 persons in my law firm show up, without Okon, have I had all the persons I want to see? The answer is No. To satisfy my request, Okon must show up in addition to the 24, thus, making the 25 persons I desire to see. According to him, the jurisprudence behind this provision is to ensure that the President as the number one citizen of the Nation enjoys a widespread acceptance by majority of the people he seeks to govern, including those inhabiting the seat of power where he would govern from. Evidently, the letter of the law is the same, and available all, some interpretations are the same, yet renown legal pundits have arrived at different conclusion, thereby setting the stage for an interesting legal fireworks that promises to put this matter to rest once and for all when the Supreme court makes its pronouncement.
Nigerians are eagerly waiting for the legal fireworks to begin; the petitioners, namely Atiku Abubarka and the PDP, and Peter Obi and the Labour Party are ready. The President Elect and APC should be getting ready, we believe; but while Nigerians are unaware of the size of the war chest the President Elect and his party are putting together to defend their mandate, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has come out to tell Nigerians that after spending more than N300 billion to conduct the 2023 general elections, it has now allotted another N3 billion to defends its declared results. As you can imagine, the Nigerians are about to witness a legal clash of the Titans. Let it begin.
By: Raphael Pepple
Opinion
Nigeria’s Poor Economy And High Unemployment Rates

Nigeria, often referred to as the “Giant of Africa”, is endowed with vast natural resources,
a large population and a youthful workforce.
Despite these advantages, the country faces persistent economic challenges, most notably high unemployment rates over the years. Successive governments remain a central issue contributing to poverty, social unrest, and underdevelopment. The economic wellbeing of a nation is significantly tied to her employment levels.
In Nigeria’s case, high unemployment has become a key driver of its poor economic performance affecting everything from productivity and income levels to crime and political instability.
Unemployment in Nigeria has assumed a multidimensional nature, characterised not just by joblessness but also underemployment, informal employment and precarious working conditions.
The Nigeria National Bureau of Statistic (NBS) said the youth with over 60 percent of Nigeria’s population under the age of 30 percent youth unemployment is a time bomb threatening the nation’s future.
Many graduates leave universities and polytechnics annually with little or no hope of securing decent jobs.
This structural unemployment is the result of a mismatch between skills and labour market needs, inadequate industrialisation, and a weak private sector.
Unemployment affects an economy in numerous direct and indirect ways.
In Nigeria, it leads to a reduced consumer base, when large sections of the population are not earning steady incomes, they have limited purchasing power which in turn affects the production and growth of businesses. Companies produce less, invest less and hire fewer people, leading to a vicious cycle of low economic growth.
Moreover, high unemployment translates to lower tax revenue for the government with fewer people paying taxes. The government has fewer resources to fund infrastructure, education, healthcare, and other public services that stimulate economic development.
This fiscal weakness forces Nigeria to rely heavily on foreign loans, which leads to rising debt levels and economic vulnerability.
Furthermore, infrastructure deficits including inadequate power supply, poor road networks and limited access to credit make it difficult for small and medium sized enterprises (SMEs) to thrive, yet SMEs are the bedrock of employment in many developed nations. Nigeria’s weak support for SMEs stifles innovation and job creation.
Another tragic consequence of high unemployment is the mass exodus of Nigerian talent to foreign countries in search of better opportunities. The brain drain weakens the country’s human capital base and deprives it of professionals who could contribute meaningfully to national development.
The “Japa” phenomenon-a slang used to describe young Nigerians fleeing the country reflects deep disillusionment with the system. Doctors, nurses, software engineers and other professionals are leaving in droves. The cost of training these individuals is absorbed by Nigeria, but their expertise benefits foreign economics. This dynamic further deepens the economic challenges as the country loses its best and brightest minds.
Addressing unemployment in Nigeria requires a multifaceted approach, first.
Secondly, industrialisation must be prioritised. The government should create an enabling environment for local manufacturing by improving infrastructure, reducing Bureaucratic bottlenecks and offering tax incentives reviving the agricultural sector with modern techniques and supply chains can also absorb a significant portion of the unemployed.
Thirdly, Governments at all levels must be held accountable for implementing job creation programmes transparently and effectively. Public-Private Partnerships (PPPs) should be encouraged to drive innovations and employment in ICT, renewable energy and logistics.
Finally, Nigeria must diversify its economy away from crude oil and invest in sectors that generate mass employment. Tourism, education, healthcare and creative industries such as film and music hold immense unlapped potential.
With genuine commitment from leaders, strong institutions and the active participation of the private sector and civil society, Nigeria can turn the tide on unemployment and chart a path toward sustainable economic prosperity.
Idorenyi, an intern with The Tide, is a student of Temple Gate Polytechnic
Abia State.
Biana Idorenyin
Opinion
Ending Malaria Menace For Improved Health

April 25 every year is World Malaria Day. It was instituted by the World Health Assembly in 2007, “to highlight the progress made in Malaria control, the ongoing challenges that persist and the urgent need for sustained investment and innovation”. This year’s theme, “Malaria Ends with Us: Reinvest, Reimagine and Reignite”, is apt considering the loss of lives incurred and money spent to treat and prevent Malaria. The theme is a clarion-call to intentionally end the malaria scourge through robust commitment of human and financial resources.
That is why one of the best policies, of the suspended Sir Siminalayi Fubara’s administration in Rivers State, was the avowed commitment to check the malaria menace and its multiplier consequences on the residents of the State, through its “Free Malaria Testing and Treatment” innovation.
Rivers State is a microcosm of Nigeria in terms of residents; thus the secularity of the State makes the programme’s beneficiary all-inclusive.
No doubt, the Rivers State Government has by this initiative reinforced value placement on the lives of the people, especially the less-privileged in the State. Residents in Rivers State can now be tested and treated free for Malaria in any Rivers State Government- owned hospitals and healthcare centres across the 23 Local Government Areas of Rivers State. This is a lofty and laudable programme because of the prohibitive cost of malaria drugs and conducting tests at a time majority of Nigerians hardly have a meal to eat, because of the prevailing economic hardship in the country.
Malaria and Typhoid, according to medical and health statisticians are the commonest ailments people suffer as a result of dirty environment, absence of good drainage, lack of potable water. The State Government’s Malaria programme is, therefore, not just a big financial relief but also a life-saver for the teeming poverty-ridden population of Nigeria resident in Rivers State.
According to statistics reeled out by the Federal Ministry of Health and Social Welfare, “Globally, there are an estimated 249million malaria cases and 608,000 malaria deaths among 85 countries”. Such reports leave much to be desired in a nation so blessed with natural resources and manpower. This is why the Rivers State Government should be commended for defying the huge financial implications to drive the lofty programme for Nigerians and foreigners in Rivers State who are availed the privilege of accessing the largesse in all State Government health and medical facilities.
As the Rivers State Government deemed it necessary to initiate the Free Malaria Testing and Treatment programme, nothing stops the Federal Government from doing the same. But even with abounding natural and human resources in unimaginable quantity in Nigeria, Malaria programmes are either grossly underfunded, or funds for the programmes are misappropriated or embezzled with impunity.
In Nigeria, malaria is one of the leading causes of death of children under the age of six and pregnant women. Malaria is a nightmare in Nigeria so much so that price of its drugs and treatment have skyrocketed like a phoenix and outrageously outside the reach of the teeming less privileged citizens of Nigeria. The situation was so alarming that the National Assembly, in 2023 urged the Federal Government to declare Malaria an emergency in Nigeria as a matter of urgent national interest. I am not sure that has been done by the Federal Government because it seems to be in the interest of the common citizens.
Experts have recommended new approaches to fighting the malaria epidemic in Nigeria which seems to have defied continuous attempts to reduce the Malaria burden in Nigeria to zero.
According to a Senior Associate at the John Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public.Health, Soji Adeyi, Nigeria should begin to increase internal funding.for malaria elimination.
According to him,, “Each year reliance on external funding needs to be reduced. I looked at the summary of Malaria reports from 2008 till now and what has been common is the complaint about the lack of funding. If this is a recurring problem, what should be done is to find a new approach “.
In his view, Abdu Muktar, National Coordinator of the Presidential Healthcare Initiative, called for the local production and manufacturing of medical supplies as well as reducing Nigeria’s dependence on drugs imports.
According to him, the local production of anti-malaria and.related.medication will consider.the peculiarity of the country’s terrain, population and burden and.would improve access to effective treatment.
For his part, the regional. Director of World Health Organisation (WHO), African Region, Matshiddiso Moretti, advised Nigeria to accelerate its efforts to end Malaria by relying on adequate data for the implementation of health policies.
Malaria is an epidemic more devastating than the dreaded HIV/AIDS. Malaria triggers high blood pressure and places HIV/AIDS patients on a critical condition. The Federal and sub-national governments should therefore declare Malaria an emergency and prioritise attention to its treatment, production and importation of drugs and vaccines to stem the malaria menace.
The Federal Government should also improve incentives and remuneration of medical and health workers to end their exodus abroad in droves, for greener pastures.
Igbiki Benibo
Opinion
Respecting The Traditional Institution
The traditional institution is as old as human society. It predates the advent of modern organised society. Before the emergence of modern justice system of dispute resolution and political system of administration, the traditional institution has existed long ago. In fact, it was so revered and regarded as sacred because of the mythological conviction that it was the “stool of the ancestors”. Consequently, judgment given was deified as many people especially the traditionalists believe it was the mind of the gods revealed. Perversion of justice , in the pre-modern justice system was alien and considered uncommon. Chiefs and traditional rulers though may not have generated knowledge formally (through the four walls of a classroom), yet they embody and exemplify knowledge. They hold fast the virtue of integrity and honour, fairness and relative impartiality, partly because they believed that the stool they occupy was ancestral and traditional as act of indiscretion can court the wrath of the gods at whose behest they are on the traditional saddle of authority.
The Compass of Life stated unequivocally that “the throne is preserved by righteousness”. Where righteousness, integrity and honesty are savoured,and valued, perversion and miscarriage of justice is an anomaly. The judgments of traditional rulers and chiefs were hardly appealed against because they were founded on objectivity, fairness, truth and facts beyond primordial sentiment and inordinate interests or pecuniary benefits. Judgments were precedent. Traditional rulers and chiefs, therefore carved a niche for themselves, earning the respect of, and endearing themselves to the heart of their subjects. Is it the same today? Some traditional rulers and chiefs are administering their communities in exile; they are diasporic leaders because they have lost the confidence of the people through self-serving, raising of cult group for self-preservation, land grabbing and other flagrant corrupt practices.
When truth is not found in the traditional institution that, in my considered view, constitutes the grassroots government, then crisis is inevitable.In most African societies before advent of the Christian Faith, and consequent Christening of the traditional stools in many communities in recent times, ascent to the traditional institution was a function of a traditional method of selection. It was believed that the gods make the selection. And whoever emerges from the divination processes eventually is crowned as the king of the people after performing the associated rituals.Whoever lacked the legitimacy to sit on the throne but wanted to take it forcefully, traditionalists believed died mysteriously or untimely. Traditional rulers wielded much influence and power because of the authority inherent in the stool, the age of the person designated for the stool notwithstanding. The word of the king was a law, embodied power. Kings so selected are forthright, accountable, transparent, men of integrity, did not speak from both sides of the mouth, could not be induced with pecuniary benefits to pervert justice, they feared the gods of their ancestors and were consecrated holistically for the purpose dictated by the pre and post coronation rituals.
Some of those crowned king were very young in those days, but they ruled the people well with the fear of the gods. There was no contention over who is qualified to sit or who is not qualified to. It was the prerogative of the gods. And it was so believed and upheld with fear.Kings were natural rulers, so they remained untouchable and could not be removed by a political government. If a king committed an offence he was arrested and prosecuted according to the provision of the law. But they have immunity from sack or being dethroned because they are not political appointees. However, the people at whose behest he became king reserved the power to remove him if found guilty of violating oath of stool. The traditional institution is actually the system of governance nearest to the people. And kings were the chief security officers of their communities. So indispensable are the roles of kings and traditional rulers to the peaceful co-existence of their people, ensuring that government policies and Programmes were seamlessly spread to the people that many people are clamouring for the inclusion of definite and specific roles in the Constitution for the traditional institution.
Traditional rulers are fathers to every member of their domain. So they are not expected to discriminate, show favouritism. By their fatherly position traditional rulers, though can not be apolitical, are also expected to be immune from partisan politics. This is because as one who presides over a great house where people of different political divide or interest belong, an open interest for a political party means ostracisation of other members of the family which could lead to disrespect, conflict of interest, wrangling and anarchy. Traditional rulers are supposed to be selfless, preferring the interest of their people above their personal interests following the consciousness that they are stewards whose emergence remains the prerogative of the people. The position is essentially for service and not for personal aggrandisement and ego massaging. So they should hold the resources of the people in trust. However, in recent past the traditional institution has suffered denigration because of unnecessary emotional attachment to political parties and political leaders. Some traditional rulers and kings have shown complete disregard to the principle of neutrality because of filthy lucre and pecuniary gains, at the expense of the stool and people they lead. Sadly some traditional rulers have been influenced to pervert justice: giving justice to the offender who is rich against the poor.
Traditional leaders should be reminded that the “throne is preserved by righteousness”, not by political chauvinism, favouritism, or materialism.Traditional rulers should earn their deserved respect from political leaders by refusing the pressure to be subservient, beggarly, sycophantic and docile. Traditional leaders have natural and permanent leadership system, unlike the political leadership that is transient and tenured.They should be partners with every administration in power and should not be tied to the apron string of past leaders whose activities are aversive to the incumbent administration and thereby constituting a clog in the development of the State and the community they are to woo infrastructure development to. It is unpardonable error for a traditional ruler to have his conscience mortgaged for benefits he gets inordinately from any government.It is necessary to encourage kings and traditional rulers to not play the roles of stooges and clowns for the privileged few, political leaders. Political leaders are products of the people, even as every government derives its legitimacy from the people.
No doubt, the roles of traditional rulers are so necessary that no political or military government can operate to their exclusion. This is why the 10th National Assembly mulled the inclusion of Traditional institution in the proposed amendment of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.Traditional rulers and chiefs should, therefore, be and seen to be truthful, forthright, bold, courageous, honest and people of integrity, not evasive, cunning, unnecessarily diplomatic and economical with truth.The time to restore the dignity of the traditional institution is now but it must be earned by the virtuous disposition of traditional rulers and chiefs.
Igbiki Benibo
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