Editorial
Again, Need For Peaceful Polls
After months of anxiety, Nigerians, on February 25, turned out to elect a new set of leaders to steer the
affairs of the country, particularly the President and the federal lawmakers. In the final results announced by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) in the early hours of Wednesday, March 1, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the candidate of Nigeria’s ruling party, the All Progressives Congress (APC), was declared the winner of the presidential election. He defeated 17 other candidates who took part in the polls with a total of 8,794,726 votes.
Last Saturday’s election was particularly characterised by the deferred start of the voting exercise at many voting centres, the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System’s (BVAS) failure to upload results, violence in parts of the country, intimidation of voters, corruption and incompetence, ballot box-snatching, and impunity conflated with security failures which prevented a smooth exercise nationwide.
INEC, despite having everything it requested for from the Federal Government to prosecute the polls, extremely disappointed Nigerians in several areas. This is very arduous because the elections came at a time of deep economic and social adversity, severe cash crunch, and a general resolve by the 82.7 million voters who collected their permanent voter cards to perform their civic duty.
The chief culprits are the politicians. Sadly, many believe that a free, fair, and credible election in Nigeria entirely depends on INEC. They have the erroneous notion that the commission has all it takes to conduct a hitch-free election, and so, heap all the blame on the electoral body, if anything goes wrong, be it violence orchestrated by political thugs, or low voter turnout. While we do not dispute that much depends on the electoral umpire to deliver a credible election, we do not subscribe to the notion that all depends on it.
To put things in their proper perspectives; a free, fair, and credible election is one in which the electorate is free to make their choices through the ballot without fear, inducement, threat, or intimidation from anyone. In a fair election, all contestants are given a level playing field to compete, without anyone enjoying an undue advantage over the others. And a credible election is one in which the process is steep in transparency, with the result devoid of manipulation, and underhand dealing by critical stakeholders, including INEC.
Despite efforts by the commission and the Federal Government to right past missteps and use technology, daytime curfews, massive deployments of the police and the military, and cash shortages to prevent them from tapping into their stash of billions of naira to sway votes, politicians still managed to undermine votes in some places, compelling INEC to extend voting and collation to Sunday and even Monday.
Local and international observers fear that unless these blunders are corrected to the satisfaction of Nigerians, the outcome could be controversial; further polarising an already marginalised population and adding to the appalling problems the new government will inherit. In many states, the election was raucous despite President Muhammadu Buhari’s pledge to keep the vote free. Hooligans also disrupted voting in some places.
The delay in uploading the election results with the BVAS frustrated many voters, who have taken to social media to express their anger. While many have urged INEC to upload the results to the IRev as quickly as possible, reports reveal that most results of several polling units across the country were not uploaded more than 24 hours later. Regardless of INEC’s claim that the results would not be sabotaged, many speculated that the delay could be a means to tamper with the results.
Security agencies did not help matters. Widespread insecurity across the country threatened the safe conduct of the general elections. The threats from thugs, ballot box snatchers, vote-buyers, and VIPs deploying their aides and security details to suppress voters and subvert the process was observed. To overcome election rigging and violence in Nigeria, there should be more focus on the security agencies than the political parties.
Copious challenges continue to threaten electoral credibility in Nigeria, including internal remonstrances affecting INEC operations and management, as well as numerous external factors such as party primary processes, rampant vote-buying, electoral violence, and the investigation of electoral offences. Consequently, the electoral commission should perfect its IT platform and system.
The commission needs to get its logistics right for the governorship and state legislative houses polls that come up on March 11. Late arrival of personnel and materials, failure of BVAS, and transmission of results should not recur. Voters should not be disenfranchised. Violence should be eschewed and grievances should be channeled to the appropriate authorities such as the law court. Security agencies should be professional in the discharge of their duties.
Security agents must do better this time around. They need to focus heavily on intelligence and preventive measures; identify, track, and pre-emptively neutralise criminals before they can strike. There can be no end to electoral violence as long as the politicians that hire and arm thugs are not arrested, exposed, and prosecuted. Also, Nigerians should also not term anywhere they failed to win to be rigged or manipulated. Afterall, it is secret ballot and the beauty of the system, is that every voter is guaranteed the secrecy of his or her choice. It is only the electoral umpire that is authorized to announce the results after aggregating the individual choices. We only demand that the process should be transparent. Saturday’s outing was below par; Nigerians deserve better performance going forward.
There is every need for peaceful polls in our country. Nigerians should approach elections with devotion, dedication, an open mind and selflessness by ensuring that the nation’s peace and unity are not jeopardised as voters exercise their franchise and pursue their political dreams and aspirations. This way, we can deepen citizens’ faith in our democratic process and minimise the likelihood of electoral violence or fraud. We should be mindful that Nigeria is the only country we have. Therefore, we must play our parts in sustaining peace, unity, and progress.
The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.